ملاحظات
مفتاح الاختصارات
- Archer, “Journal”: Mildred Archer, “Journal of a Stay in the Naga Hills, 9 July to 4 December 1947,” MSS. Eur. F. 236/362.
- CAD: Constituent Assembly Debates—Official Report (New Delhi: Lok Sabha Secretariat, 1988).
- CWMG: Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (New Delhi: Government of India, 1958—).
- EW: Economic Weekly.
- HT: Hindustan Times.
- LCM: jawaharlal Nehru, Letters to Chief Ministers, 5 vols., ed. G. Parthasarathi (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985–1989).
- NMML: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi.
- OIOC: Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
- SPC: Durga Das, ed., Sardar Patel’s Correspondence, 1945–1960, 10 vols. (Ahmedabad: Navijan, 1971–1974).
- TOI: Times of India.
- TOP: Nicholas Mansergh, ed. in chief, Constitutional Relations between Great Britain and India—Transfer of Power, 1942–1947, 12 vols. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1970–1983).
- WP I, WP II, etc.: White Papers, government of India, 1959–1962.
تمهيد
(1)
Translation by Qurratulain
Hyder.
(2)
See Ralph Russell and Khurshidul Islam, eds. and trans.,
Ghalib, 1797–1869: Life and
Letters (1969, reprint Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1994), ch. 7.
(3)
John Strachey, India (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, 1888), pp.
2–5.
(4)
The best single-volume treatment remains Sumit Sarkar,
Modern India: 1885–1947 (London:
Macmillan, 1985). For a more up-to-date account see Sekhar Bandopadhyay,
From Plassey to Partition
(Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2004), an additional merit of which is its
excellent bibliography.
(5)
Interview in Adelaide
Advertiser, November 1891, quoted in the “N. B.” column
of The Times Literary Supplement, 9
March 2001.
(6)
E. H. D. Sewell, An Outdoor
Wallah (London: Stanley Paul, 1945), p. 110,
emphasis added. These words were written in
1934.
(7)
Winston Churchill, India: Speeches
and an Introduction (London: Thornton Butterworth, 1931),
pp. 38, 120, 125, etc.
(8)
These quotes are taken, with permission, From Devesh Kapur,
“Globalization and the Paradox of Indian Democracy,” mimeograph,
Department of Political Science, University of Texas at Austin, December
2005.
(9)
Don Taylor, “This New, Surprising Strength of Mrs.
Gandhi,” Evening Standard, 21
August 1969, emphasis in original.
(10)
Statesman (New Delhi),
10 August 1998.
(11)
Adam Przeworski et al., quoted in Kapur, Globalization.
(12)
Sunil Khilnani, The Idea of
India (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1997), p.
4.
(13)
Krishna Kumar, What Is Worth
Teaching? 3rd ed. (Hyderabad, Orient Longman, 2004), p.
109.
(14)
Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of
Europe since 1945 (London: William Heinemann, 2005), p.
xiii.
(15)
Marc Bloch, French Rural
History: An Essay on Its Essential
Characteristics (1931, reprint London: Routledge
and Kegan Paul, 1978), preface.
الجزء الأول: لمُّ الشمل
الفصل الأول: الحرية وتناحر الأشقاء
(1)
Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi
(New Delhi: Government of India, 1958–; hereafter cited as CWMG),
Vol. 42, pp. 398–400.
(2)
Jawaharlal Nehru, An
Autobiography: With Musings on Recent Events in India
(1936, reprint London: Bodley Head, 1949), p.
209.
(3)
Indian Annual Register,
1930, Part I (January–June), p.
23.
(4)
This account of the ceremonies is based on Jim
Masselos, “‘The Magic Touch of Being Free’: The Rituals of
Independence on 15 August,” in Jim Masselos, ed., India: Creating a Modern Nation (New
Delhi: Sterling, 1990); Tai Yong Tan and Gyanesh Kudesia, The Aftermath of Partition in South
Asia (London: Routledge, 2000), ch, 2; Statesman, 15 August 1947; reports in
Philip Talbot Papers, Centre for South Asian Studies, Cambridge;
reports and correspondence in Mountbattien Papers (MSS, Eur. F.
200), Tyson Papers (MSS. Eur. F. 341), and Saumarez Smith Papers
(MSS. Eur. C. 409), all in the Oriental and India Office
Collections. British Library, London (hereafter
OIOC).
(5)
Actually, as Salman Rushdie once remarked, half the
world had not yet gone to sleep, and the other half was already
awake. This witticism did nor stop Rushdie from including Nehru’s
speech in an anthology of Indian writing that he edited—the only
piece of non-fiction to find a place in the
volume.
(6)
As related in Rajmohan Gandhi, The Good Boatman: A Portrait of Gandhi (New Delhi:
Viking, 1993).
(7)
This section on Gandhi and the period just preceding
independence draws on D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, 2nd ed.
(1963, reprint New Delhi: Publications Division, 1990), Vols. 7 and
8; N. K. Bose, My Days with
Gandhi (1953, reprint Hyderabad: Orient Longman,
1990); N. K. Bose and P. H. Patwardhan, Gandhi in Indian Politics (Bombay: Lalvani, 1967);
and relevant volumes of the CWMG.
(8)
The words of the then viceroy, Lord Linlithgow,
speaking on 8 August 1940.
(9)
B. R. Nanda, “Nehru, the Indian National Congress, and
the Partition of India, 1935–1947,” in C. H. Philips and Mary Doreen
Wainwright, eds., The Partition of India:
Policies and Perspectives (London: George Allen and
Unwin, 1970), p. 183.
(10)
Statesman, 16 August
1947.
(11)
The new governor was R. F. Mudie, a British
member of the Indian civil service who had chosen to stay on
and work for the government of Pakistan. The quote is from a
typescript in the Mudie Papers, OlOC (MSS. Eur. F.
164/12).
(12)
Quoted in Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism, and History in
India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002),
p. 98.
(13)
See L/P and J/8/575, OIOC.
(14)
Robin Jeffrey, “The Punjab Boundary Force and the
Problem of Order, August 1947,” Modern Asian
Studies, Vol. 8, No. 4, 1974.
(15)
“Partition” (1968) in W. H. Auden, Collected Poems, Edward Mendetson, ed.
(New York: Vintage, 1991), pp. 803-804.
(16)
Quoted in Urvashi Butalia, The
Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of
India (Delhi: Viking, 1998), p. 65. Before he left
India Radcliffe burned all his notes and papers, and he never wrote
about his experiences in the subcontinent. Auden was cynical about
this silence, saying that “he quickly forgot the case, as a good
lawyer must.”
(17)
This is and subsequent quotes from Rees are from his
papers deposited in the OIOC (especially files MSS Eur. 274/66 to
MSS. Eur. 274/70).
(18)
Quoted in H. M. Seervai, Partition of India: Legend and
Reality (Bomhay: Emenem, 1989), p.
148.
(19)
Nehru to Rees, 3/9/1947, MSS. Eur. F. 274/73,
OIOC.
(20)
Baroo, “Life in the Puniab Today,” Swatantra, 4 October
1947.
(21)
See MSS. Eur. 200/129, OIOC.
(22)
Donald F. Ebright, Free
India: The First Five Years: An Account of the 1947
Riots, Refugees, Relief, and Rehabilitation
(Nashville, Tenn.: Parthenon, 1954), p. 28. Later estimates
have put the number of dead at 1 million or
more.
(23)
Note by Major William Short, dated 17 October 1947, in
MSS. Eur. F. 200/129, OIOC.
(24)
As reported by Pyarelal, “In Calcutta,” Harijan, 14 September
1947.
(25)
This quote and much of the preceding two
paragraphs draw from Dennis Dalton, Mahatma Gandhi: Nonviolent Power in Action
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), ch. 5, “The
Calcutta Fast.”
(26)
See Richard Symons, In the
Margins of Independence: A Relief Worker in India and Pakistan,
1942–1949 (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
2001).
(27)
The violence against the Meos is described in Shail
Mayaram, Resisting Regimes: Myth, Memory,
and the Shaping of a Muslim Identity (New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1997).
(28)
Tendulkar, Mahatma,
Vol. 8, pp. 112–131.
(29)
“To Members of the R. S. S.,” Harijan, 28 September 1947.
(30)
Nehru to Patel, 30 September 1947, in Durga Das, ed.,
Sardar Patel’s Correspondence,
1945–1950, 10 vols. (Ahmedabad: Navjivan, 1971–1974,
cited hereafter as SPC), Vol. 4, pp. 297–299.
(31)
Entry dated 13 September 1947, in Alan
Campbell-Johnson, Mission with
Mountbatten (New York: Dutton, 1953), p.
189.
(32)
“A. 1. C. C. Resolutions,” Harijan, 23 November 1947.
(33)
M. S. Golwalkar, We, or
Our Nation Defined (Nagpur, Bharat Prakashan,
1947, first published in 1938), pp. 55-56; quoted in Mohan
Ram, Hindi against India: The
Meaning of DMK (New Delhi: Rachna Prakashan,
1968), p. 64.
(34)
Hindustan Times
(Delhi—hereafter cited as HT), 8 December
1947.
(35)
Tendulkar, Mahatma,
Vol. 8, pp. 246–266.
(36)
Robert Payne, The Life and
Death of Mahatma Gandhi (New York: Dutton, 1969), pp.
637–641; see also Ashis Nandy’s fascinating essay on Gandhi and
Godse in his At the Edge of Psychology and
Other Essays (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1980).
(37)
Patel spoke in Hindustani. The English translation here
is from Statesman, 31 January
1948.
(38)
Quoted in Sucheta Mahajan, Independence and Partition: the Erosion of Colonial Power in
India (New Delhi: Sage, 2000), pp.
320-321.
(39)
See the correspondence between Nehru and Patel in SPC,
Vol. 6, pp. 8–31.
الفصل الثاني: التقسيم
(1)
Khizar Hayar Tiwana to Major Short, 15 August
1947, Short Papers, OIOC (MSS. Eur.
189/19).
(2)
There is a massive literature on partition, which
includes: (1) memoirs by key civil servants and military officials
who served in the government at the time; (2) biographies of the
important politicians involved in the negotiations—Nehru, Gandhi,
Jinnah, Patel, Mountbatten, etc.—(3) regional studies of partition
in the Punjab and in Bengal; and (4) wider analytical overviews. To
this must be added the volumes of original documents published both
in England (the Transfer of Power project) and in India (the Toward
Freedom Project plus the published correspondence of Nehru, Patel,
Gandhi, and others). A fine recent overview, citing much of the
relevant literature, is Sucheta Mahajan, Independence and Partition: The Erosion of Colonial Power in
India (New Delhi: Sage, 2000). An earlier work
representing most of the competing points of view is C. H. Philips
and Mary Doreen Wainwright, eds., The
Partition of India: Policies and Perspectives
(London: George Allen and Unwin, 1970).
(3)
See the revealing portrait in the memoir of Jinnah’s
former junior, M. C. Chagla, Roses in
December: An Autobiography (1973, reprint Bombay:
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1994), ch. 5.
(4)
Lord Birkenhead to Lord Reading, quoted in John Grigg,
“Myths about the Approach to Indian Independence,” in Wm. Roger
Louis, ed., More Adventures with Britannia:
Personalites, Politics, and Culture in Britain
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998), p.
211.
(5)
See Khalid bin Sayeed, Pakistan:
The Formative Phase, 1857–1948. 2nd ed. (Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 1969), especially ch. 6. Two magisterial
treatments if Muslim consolidation during late colonial rule are C.
S. Venkatachar, “1937–1947 in Retrospect: A Civil Servant’s View,”
in Philips and Wainwright, The Partition of
India; and Hamza Alavi, “Misreading Partition Road
Signs,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 2–9 November 2002.
(6)
Kenneth O. Morgan, Labour in
Power, 1945–1951 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1984), p.
221.
(7)
“The Pakistan Nettle,” in Moon Papers, OIOC (MSS. Eur.
F. 230/39).
(8)
This account of the 1946 elections is largely based on
Sho Kuwajima, Muslims, Nationalism, and the
Partition: 1946 Provincial Elections in India (New
Delhi: Manohar, 1998), supplemented by the following: David
Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the
Making of Pakistan (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1988); David Gilmartin, “A Magnificent Gift:
Muslim Nationalism and the Election Process in Colonial Punjab,”
Comparative Studies in Society and
History, Vol. 40, No. 3, July 1998; I. A. Talbot,
“The 1946 Punjab Election,” Modern Asian
Studies, Vol. 14, No. I, 1980.
(9)
See Peter Clarke, The Cripps
Version: The Life of Sir Stafford Cripps. 1889–1952
(London: Allen Lane, 2002), part V.
(10)
Faiz Ahmad Faiz, “Subh-e-Azadi” (Freedom’s Dawn),
trans. from the Urdu by V. G. Kiernan in Poems by Faiz (1958, reprint
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp.
123-124.
(11)
Humayan Kabir, “Muslim Politics, 1942–1947,” in Philips
and Wainwright, The Partition of
India, p. 402.
(12)
Philip Ziegler, Mountbatten (London: Collins, 1985), p.
439.
(13)
Andrew Roberts, “Lord Mountbatten and the Perils of
Adrenalin,” in Eminent
Churchillians (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson,
1994).
(14)
Jenkins to Mountbatten, 3 May 1947, in MSS. Eur. F.
200/125, OIOC.
(15)
Jenkins to Mountbatten, 30 July 1947, in MSS. Eur. F.
200/127, OIOC.
(16)
J. D. Tyson to “Dear Folk,” 5 May 1946, MSS. Eur. E.
341/40, OIOC.
(17)
Note by Sir Francis Burrows, dated 14 February 1947,
MSS. Eur. F. 200/24, OIOC.
(18)
See Malcolm Darling, At
Freedom’s Door (London: Oxford University Press,
1949).
(19)
Nicholas Mansergh, ed. in chief, Constitutional Relations between Great Britain and India:
Transfer of Power, 1942–1947, 12 vols. (London: Her
Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1970–1983; hereafter TOP), Vol. 12,
items 200, 209, 389, 489.
(20)
Quoted in Symons, In the
Margins of Independence, p. 3.
الفصل الثالث: تفاحات في السلة
(1)
Pothan Joseph, “Mountbatten Quits India,” Swatantra, 19 June
1948.
(2)
Brian Hoey, Mountbatten: The
Private Story (London: Pan, 1995), pp. 3, 4,
201.
(3)
Denis Judd, ed., A British Tale
of Indian and Foreign Service: The Memoirs of Sir Ian
Scott (London: Radcliffe, 1999), p.
147.
(4)
See Penderel Moon, ed., Wavell:
The Viceroy’s Journal (London: Oxford University
Press, 1973).
(5)
The books I have in mind are Alan Campbell-Johnson,
Mission with Mountbatten (New
York: Dutton, 1951); H. V, Hodson, The Great
Divide: Britain-India-Pakistan (London: Hutchinson,
1969); Dominique Lapierre and Larry Collins, Freedom at Midnight (New Delhi: Rupa, 1975); and
Philip Ziegler, Mountbatten: The Official
Biography (London: Collins, 1985). For an early
revisionist view, see Leonard Mosely, The
Last Days of the British Raj (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and World, 1961).
(6)
Ziegler, Mountbatten, p. 424.
(7)
There have been some fine studies of individual princely
states, and of British policy toward the maharajas. However, no one
since Menon has attempted an analytical overview of the demise of
the princely order, with its (often profound) implications for the
history of independent India. See V. P. Menon, The Story of the Integration of the Indian
States (New York: Macmillan,
1956).
(8)
For a brilliant brief survey of British relations with
princely India, see K. M. Pannikar, Indian
States, Oxford Pamphlet on Indian Affairs, No. 4
(Bombay; Oxford University Press, 1942). See also the essays in
Robin Jeffrey, ed., People, Princes, and
Paramount Power: Society and Politics in Indian Princely
States (Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1978).
(9)
Quoted in Mario Rodrigues, Batting for the Empire: A Political Biography of
Ranjitsinhji (New Delhi: Penguin India,
2003).
(10)
Ian Copland, The Princes of
India in the Endgames of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999), p. 227.
(11)
W. H. Morris-Jones, “The Transfer of Power, 1947: A
View from the Sidelines,” Modern Asian
Studies, Vol. 16, No. 1, 1982, pp.
17-18.
(12)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
1, p. 359.
(13)
See Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A
Life (Ahmedabad: Navjivan, 1991), pp. 408411; SPC,
Vol. 5, passim.
(14)
The phrase was coined by K. M. Pannikar, and is the
underpinning of his classic Asia and Western
Dominance (London: George Allen and Unwin,
1959).
(15)
“Maharaja of Bikaner’s Appeal to the Princes,” SPC, Vol.
5, App. 2, pp. 518-524. This appeal was almost certainly drafted by
K. M. Pannikar.
(16)
Penderel Moon to Major Billy Short, dated 29 March 1947,
in MSS. Eur. F. 179/16, Short Papers, OIOC.
(17)
A representative view is that of the last head of this
department, Sir Conrad Corfield. See his “Some Thoughts on British
Policy and the Indian States, 1935–1947,” in Philips and Wainwright,
ed., The Partition of India, pp.
527–534.
(18)
Menon to Sir P. Patrick (undersecretary of state for
India), 8 July 1947, in TOP, Vol. 12, pp.
1-2.
(19)
SPC, Vol. 5, pp. 536–538.
(20)
TOP. Vol. 12, pp. 36, 51.
(21)
Campbell-Johnson, Mission, p. 140.
(22)
“Press Communique of an Address by Rear-Admiral Viscount
Mountbatten of Burma to a Conference of the Rulers and
Representatives of Indian States,” TOP, Vol. 12, pp.
347–352.
(23)
See TOP, Vol. 12, pp. 585–588, Hodson, The Great Divide,
pp. 369f.
(24)
The words are those of Vallabhbhai Patel, from his
statement to the princes of 5 July 1947. See SPC, Vol. 5, p.
537.
(25)
“Satyagraha Movement in Mysore,” Swatantra, 27 September 1947; H. S. Doreswamy,
from Princely Autocracy to People’s
Government (Bangalore: Sahitya Mandira, 1993), ch.
9.
(26)
V. P. Menon, Integration of the
Indian States (1956, reprint Hyderabad: Orient
Longman, 1997), pp. 153-154, 179.
(27)
See E. M. S. Nambooodiripad, “Princedom and Democracy,”
New’ Age, August 1956 (a
review article on V. P. Menon’s Integration
of the Indian States).
(28)
Robert Trumbull, As I
See India (Londonr Cassell, 1952), pp.
76-77.
(29)
Speeches at Jaipur, Gwalior, and Bikaner in Time Only to Look Forward: Speeches of Rear
Admiral the Earl Mountbatten of Burma, as Viceroy of India and
Governor-General of the Dominion of India, 1947-1948
(London: Nicholas Kaye, 1949), pp. 76–78, 91–93,
102–104.
(30)
These paragraphs summarize a story told over several
hundred pages in Menon, Integration.
(31)
Menon to V. Shankar (private secretary to Vallahhhai
Patel), 9 August 1949, in G. M. Nandurkar, ed., Sardar’s Letters—Mostly Unknown:
Post-Centenary, Vol. 2 (Ahmedabad: Sardar Vallabhbhai
Patel Smarak Rhavan, 1981), pp. 74–76.
(32)
As told to me by C. S. Venkatachar, who succeeded V. P.
Menon as secretary of the ministry of states.
(33)
Hodson, The Great
Divide, pp. 367-368.
(34)
The Travancore story has been principally reconstructed
here from TOP, Vol. 12, pp. 76-77, 203-204, 232-233, 281-282,
298-299, 335-336, 414, 421-422, 453; supplemented by A. Sreedhara
Menon, Triumph and Tragedy in Travancore:
Annals of Sir C. P.’s Sixteen Years (Kottayam:
Current Books, 2001), especially pp. 231–253. See also A. G.
Noorani, “C. P. and
Independent Travancore,” Frontline, 4 July 2003; and K. C. George, Immortal Punnapra-Vayalar
(Thiruvananthapuram: Communist Party of India,
1975).
(35)
The best, presumably, was Jawaharlal
Nehru.
(36)
Draft letter dated 18 July 1947 from Lord Mountbatten to
nawab of Bhopal, in MSS. Eur. D. 1006 (Major A. E. G. Davy Papers),
OIOC.
(37)
My account of the Bhopal case is based on TOP, Vol. 12,
pp. 144-145, 291–297, 436–438, 644, 671-672; Copland, The Princes of India, pp. 235-236, 253;
Hodson, The Great Divide, pp.
365, 375; Menon, Integration, pp.
118-119.
(38)
TOP, Vol. 12, pp. 603-604, 659–662, 767; Menon, Integration, pp. 116–118; K. M.
Pannikar to Vallabhbhai Patel, undated, but probably from late July
1947, in G. M. Nandurkar, ed., Sardar’s
Letters—Mostly Unknown, II: Birth Centenary, Vol. 5
(Ahmedabad: Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Smarak Bhavan, 1978), pp.
55-56.
(39)
R. M. Lala, “Junagadh,” Current, 27 Septemher 1950; Campbell-Johnson,
Mission, pp. 191-192; Mosley,
Last Days, pp.
181–183.
(40)
Shah Nawaz was the father of Zulfiqar Ali and grandfather
of Benazir, both future prime ministers of
Pakistan.
(41)
Patel’s feelings about Junagadh are described in Malcolm
Darling to Guy Wint, 7 December 1947, in Box 60, Darling Papers,
Centre for South Asian Studies, University of
Cambridge.
(42)
“Report by Secretary, Ministry of States, on Junagadh,”
in SPC, Vol. 7, pp. 688–695.
(43)
This account is principally hased on Menon, Integration, pp. 124–149; and Hodson,
The Great Divide, pp.
427–440.
(44)
Rafi Ahmed, “Hyderabad Politics,” Swatantra, 29 November
1947.
(45)
K. M. Munshi, The End of an
Era: Hyderabad Memoirs (1957, reprint Bombay:
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1957), pp. 10-11.
(46)
TOP, Vol. 12, pp. 31-32, 87; “Viswamitra,’’ “Monckton
and Mountbatten,” Swatantra, 15
May 1948.
(47)
Coupland, quoted in V. B. Kulkarni, K. M. Munshi (New Delhi: Publications
Division, 1983), p. 117; Patel, quoted in Munshi, End af an Era, p.
1.
(48)
Lucien D. Renichou, From
Autocracy to Integration: Political Developments in Hyderabad
State, 1938–1948 (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2000),
especially ch. 5.
(49)
Amir Kumar Gupta, The Agrarian
Drama: The Leftists and the Rural Poor in India,
1934–1951 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1996), pp. 291–317,
412–422, etc.
(50)
See Swami Ramananda Tirtha, Memoirs of Hyderabad Freedom Struggle (Bombay:
Popular Prakashan, 1967), pp. 181-182.
(51)
Benichou, From Autocracy to
Integration, p. 178.
(52)
See TOP, Vol. 12, pp. 613–615.
(53)
Benichou, From Autocracy to
Integration, pp. 230, 235;
“Viswamitra,” “Monckton and
Mountbatten.”
(54)
See TOP, Vol. 12, p. 121.
(55)
Benichou, From Autocracy to
Integration, pp. 208–210.
(56)
“Conflict in Hyderabad,” Times, April 1948, clipping in Theodore Tasker
Papers, MSS. Eur. D. 798/30–36, OIOC. (Date is not
shown.)
(57)
Wilfrid Russell, Indian
Summer (Bombay: Thacker, 1951), p.
210.
(58)
C. H. V. Pathy, “A Close-Up of Syed Kasim Razvi,”
Swatantra, 29 May
1948.
(59)
A vivid account of the society and politics of Hyderabad
c. 1947-1948 is contained in Asokamitran’s novel The Eighteenth Parallel, translated
from the Tamil by Gomathi Narayanan (Hyderabad: Orient Longmans,
1993).
(60)
O. V. Ranga Rao, “Exodus of C. P. Muslims to
Hyderabad,” Swatantra, 11 October
1947; Lanka Sundaram, “Nizam’s Acts of War and India’s Duty,”
Swatantra, I Novemher
1947.
(61)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
2, pp. 40-41; SPC, Vol. 5, pp. 236–239; SPC, Vol. 7, pp. 150-151,
186-187, etc.
(62)
See Mirza Ismail, My Public Life:
Recollections and Reflections (London: George Allen
and Unwin, 1954), pp. 105–128.
(63)
Quoted in Munshi, End of an
Era, p. 176.
(64)
Ibid., pp. 230-231; Gandhi, Patel, pp. 482-483; Benichou, From Autocracy to Integration, pp.
236-237.
(65)
Sri Prakasa, Pakistan: Birth and
Early Days (Meerut: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1965), p.
122.
(66)
Pattabhi Sitaramayya, “The Hyderabad Tangle,” Swatantra, 12 June
1948.
(67)
K, A. Abbas, “Three Days in Hyderabad,” Swatantra, 24 June
1950.
(68)
P. J. Griffiths, “India and the Future,” Nineteenth Century, August
1947.
(69)
See editorial in Economic
Weekly, 8 January 1955.
(70)
Democracy on the
March (New Delhi: Publications Division, 1950), pp.
1, 9-10, etc.
(71)
Menon, Integration, p, 493.
الفصل الرابع: وادٍ دامٍ وجميل
(1)
From now on, I shall use “Kashmir” to refer to the state
of Jammu and Kashmir as a whole, and “Valley” to refer to the vale
of Kashmir specifically.
(2)
Karan Singh, Autobiography, rev. ed. (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1994), pp. 18-19.
(3)
Abdullah, quoted in Ajit Bhattacharjea, Kashmir The Wounded Valley (New Delhi:
UBS, 1994), p. 67.
(4)
V. K. Chinnammalu Amma, “Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah,”
Swatantra, 22 May 1948;
Trilok Nath Moza, “Sher-i-Kashmir Sheikh Abdullah,” Swatantra, 5 June
1948.
(5)
These paragraphs on politics in Kashmir in the 1930s and
1940s draw largely from Bhattacharjea, Kashmir, pp. 65–76; and from Alastair Lamb,
Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy.
1846–1990 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1992),
pp. 89–95.
(6)
Malika Pukhraj, Song Sung True: A
Memoir, ed. and trans. Saleem Kidwai (New Delhi: Kali
for Women, 2003), pp. 200-201.
(7)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
1, pp. 322-323.
(8)
SPC, Vol. I, pp. 13–15.
(9)
TOP, Vol. 9, p. 71.
(10)
SPC, Vol. 1, pp. 29-30; Hasan Zaheer, The Times and Trials of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy,
1951: The First Coup Attempt in Pakistan (Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 72-73.
(11)
Mountbatten to Sir Akbar Hydari (governor of Assam), l7
June 1947, Mountbatten Papers, MSS. Eur. F. 200/13,
OIOC.
(12)
See Ramchandra Kak’s note, “Jammu and Kashmir in
1946-1947,” written in 1960 as a retrospective defence of the idea
of independence. Copy in R. Powell Papers, MSS. Eur. D. 862,
OIOC.
(13)
TOP, Vol. 11, p. 592.
(14)
TOP, Vol. 12, pp. 3–5, 368.
(15)
Tendulkar, Mahatma,
Vol. 8, pp. 67-68.
(16)
Michael Brecher, The Struggle
for Kashmir (New York: Oxford University Press,
1953), pp. 23-24.
(17)
Gandhi, Patel, p.
439.
(18)
SPC, Vol. 1, pp. 45–47.
(19)
See Josef Korbel, Danger in
Kashmir, 2nd ed. (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton
University Press, 1966), pp. 70-71.
(20)
SPC, Vol. 1, pp. 56, 62.
(21)
Quoted in Prem Shankar Jha, Kashmir, 1947: Rival Versions of History (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 32-33.
(22)
R. B. Batra, quoted in Sisir Kumar Gupta,
Kashmir: A Study in
India-Pakistan Relations (Bombay: Asia
Publishing House, 1966), p. 106.
(23)
Alastair Lamb’s book is the best case for Pakistan;
Jha’s book is an answer from the Indian point of
view.
(24)
See Richard Symons, In the
Margins of Independence: A Relief Worker in India and Pakistan,
1942–1949 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001),
pp. 78-79.
(25)
This and the next few paragraphs are based on Lamb,
Kashmir, pp. 122–134;
Brecher, Struggle, pp. 25–33;
Gupta, Kashmir, pp. 110–115; and
Zaheer, Rawalpindi Conspiracy,
pp. 82–87, 94–96, etc.
(26)
Lieutenant General L. P. Sen, Slender Was the Thread: Kashmir Confrontation,
1947-1948 (New Delhi: Orient Longmans, 1969), pp.
34–38.
(27)
Stanley Wolperr, Jinnah of
Pakistan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984),
p. 348.
(28)
Untitled typescript dated 3 November 1947 by Major J. E.
Thomson, in Powell Papers, MSS. Eur. D. 862, OIOC; extracts from
report in Daily Express, 11
November 1947, in White Paper on Jammu and
Kashmir (New Delhi: Government of India, 1948), pp.
24-25.
(29)
Lamb, Kashmir, p.
143.
(30)
Amar Devi Gupta, typescript, “A 1947 Tragedy of Jammu and
Kashmir State: The Cleansing of Mirpur,” in MSS. Fur. C. 705,
OIOC.
(31)
Lord Birdwood, “Kashmir,” International Affairs, July
1952.
(32)
See the eyewitness accounts in Dewan Ram Prakash,
Fight for Kashmir (New Delhi:
Tagore Memorial, 1948), pp. 34–39.
(33)
This account is based on Menon, Integration, pp. 397–400; and Gandhi, Patel, pp. 442–444. However, Prem
Shankar Jha (Kashmir, pp. 63-64)
claims that the Instrument of Accession was signed by Maharaja Hari
Singh in Srinagar on the night of 25-26 October, that is, hefore he
fled to Jammu.
(34)
S. N. Prasad and Dharm Pal, History of Operations in Jammu and Kashmir,
1947-1948 (New Delhi: Ministry of Defence, 1987), pp.
28f, 379.
(35)
Major 1. E. R. B. Ferris, quoted in Lieutenant Colonel
Maurice Cohen, Thunder over
Kashmir (1955, reprint Hyderabad: Orient Longman,
1994), pp. 3-4.
(36)
Nehru to Vijayalakshmi Pandit, 28 October 1947,
Vijayalakshmi Pandit Papers, NMML.
(37)
As told by the veteran Punjab politician Khizr Hyat
Tiwana to the former Punjab civil servant Malcolm Darling. See diary
note of 9 January 1948, Box 60, Darling Papers, Centre for South
Asian Studies, University of Cambridge.
(38)
Baroo, “Kashmir Interlude,” Swatantra, 29 November 1947.
(39)
Bhattacharjea, Kashmir, pp. x–xii.
(40)
Lord Mountbatten, “Note of a Discussion with Mr. Jinnah
in the Presence of Lord Ismay at Government House, Lahore, on 1
November 1947,” in SPC, Vol. 1, pp. 73–81.
(41)
Prasad and Dharm Pal, History
of Operations, pp. 39-40.
(42)
Ibid., p. 60; Sen, Slender Was
the Thread, pp. 111-112.
(43)
Nehru ro Hari Singh, 13 November 1947, in S. Gopal, ed.
Selected Works of Jawaharlal
Nehru, Second Series, Vol-5 (New Delhi: Nehru
Memorial Fund, 1987), pp. 324–327.
(44)
CWMG, Vol. 90, pp.
122-123.
(45)
C. Dasgupta, War and Diplomacy
in Kashmir, 1947-1948 (New Delhi: Sage, 2002), p.
78.
(46)
Nehru to Hari Singh, 1 December 1947, in SPC,
1, pp. 100–106.
(47)
Hodson, Great Divide,
pp. 466-467 Lamb, Kashmir, pp.
164-165.
(48)
Brecher, Struggle, pp.
55–75; Reports of the United Nations Special
Commission for India and Pakistan, June 1948 to December
1949 (New Delhi: Ministry of External Affairs, 1950),
pp. 53f, 281f.
(49)
Korhel, Danger in
Kashmir, p. 109.
(50)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2,
pp. 26-27; Dasgupta, War and
Diplomacy, pp. 17, 111, 134. See also Rajhans
Krishen, Kashmir and the Conspiracy against
Peace (Bombay: People’s Publishing House,
1951).
(51)
H. V. Hodson to Philip Noel-Baker, 2 March 1948,
copy in Short Papers, MSS. Eur. F. 189/1,
OIOC.
(52)
See Hodson, Great
Divide, pp. 469-470.
(53)
Untitled note by Maior-General T. W. Rees, in
Rees Papers, MSS. Eur. F. 274/72,
OIOC.
(54)
Dasgupta, War and
Diplomacy, pp. 144–151, 167-168,
177–183.
(55)
Air Chief Marshal P. C. Lai, My
Years with the IAF (New Delhi: Lancer International,
1987), pp. 58–67.
(56)
Sen, Slender Was the
Thread, p. 242; Prasad and Dharm Pal, History of Operations, pp.
276-277.
(57)
Penderel Moon to Major Billy Short, 18 October 1948, in
Short Papers, MSS. Eur. F. 189/22, OIOC. (Emphasis
added.)
(58)
Korbel, Danger in
Kashmir, pp. 146–149. Korhel was the father of
Madeleine Albright, who would herself deal with the Kashmir question
in the 1990s, when she was secretary of state in President Clinton’s
administration.
(59)
See material in File No. 74, C. Rajagopalachari Papers,
Fifth Instalment, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi
(hereafter NMML).
(60)
Swatantra,
14 August 1948.
(61)
Anon., “South India and Kashmir,” Swatantra, 25 February 1950.
(62)
Sheikh Abdullah to C. Rajagopalachari, 27 April 1948, in
C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(63)
J. K. Banerji, I Report on
Kashmir (Calcutta: Republic, 1948),
pp. 9-10.
(64)
Y. D. Gundevia, ed., The
Testament of Sheikh Abdullah (Dehra Dun: Palit and
Palit, 1974), pp. 90-91.
(65)
V. V. Prasad, “New Delhi Diary,” Swatantra, 9 October
1948.
(66)
P. N. Kaula and K. L. Dhar, Kashmir Speaks (Delhi: S. Chand, 1950), p.
71.
(67)
K. A. Abbas, “The Enchanted Valley,” Swatantra, 23 April
1949.
(68)
“Marching through Kashmir,” Time, 10 October 1949.
(69)
Korbel, Danger in
Kashmir, p. 25.
(70)
Kingsley Martin, “Kashmir and UNO,” and “As Pakistan
Sees It,” New Statesman and
Nation, 21 and 28 February
1948.
(71)
Quoted in Ram Parkash, Fight
for Kashmir, p. 99.
(72)
A. Lakshmana Rao, “Brigadier Usman,” Swatantra, 10 July
1948.
(73)
Ram Parkash, Fight for
Kashmir, p. 174.
(74)
K. A. Abbas, “Will Kashmir Vote for India?” Current, 26 Octoher
1949.
(75)
Wares Ishaq, “Kashmir Will Vote for Pakistan,”
Current, 2 November
1949.
(76)
Representative here are the interpretations in
Dasgupta, War and
Diplomacy.
(77)
On Gurdaspur see Lamb, Kashmir. especially pp. 115-116; and, for a
rebuttal, Jha, Kashmir, p.
81.
(78)
Zaheer, Rawalpindi
Conspiracy, pp.
144-145.
(79)
The quotes that follow are taken from Brecher,
Struggle, pp.
ix-x.
الفصل الخامس: اللاجئون والجمهورية
(1)
Donald F. Ebright, Free India:
The First Five Years—An Account of the 1947 Riots, Refugees,
Relief, and Rehabilitation (Nashville, Tenn.:
Parthenon, 1954), pp. 46-47, 62-63, etc.
(2)
A. N. Bali, Now It Can Be
Told (Jalandhar: Kashvani Prakashan, 1949),
especially ch. 9.
(3)
V. V. Prasad, “New Delhi Diary,” Swatantra, 25 December
1947.
(4)
This is section is principally based on M. S. Randhawa,
Out of the Ashes: An Account of the
Rehabilitation of Refugees from West Punjab in Rural Areas of
East Punjab (Bombay: Author, 1954); and Gyanesh
Kudaisya, “The Demographic Upheaval of Partition: Refugees and
Agricultural Resettlement in India, 1946-1947,” South Asia, Vol. 18, No. 1, 1995. Of
the roughly 2.5 million farmers who came from West Punjab, about 80%
were resettled in East Punjab. Others were given land in the
Ganganagar area of the former Bikaner state, and in the Terai
regions of Uttar Pradesh. In both places there are now flourishing
communities of Sikh farmers.
(5)
Ian Stephen, “A Day in Qadian,” Statesman, 9 January 1949. Mohammad Zafrullah Khan,
Pakistan’s eloquent spokesman in the UN on the Kashmir question, was
an Ahmadiya. So was the physicist Abdus Salam, the only Pakistani to
be awarded a Nobel Prize. In the 1980s, under the regime of General
Zia-ul-Haq, the Ahmadiyas were declared heretics (for their belief
in a living Prophet), and they have since faced discrimination and
persecution.
(6)
See L. C. Jain, The City of Hope:
The Faridabad Story (New Delhi: Concept, 1998), which
also describes the corrosion of the cooperative spirit by the
bureaucracy. See also “Experiments in Living:
Faridabad—Nilokheri—Etawah,” Times of
India, 14 February 1952.
(7)
Dorothy Jane Ward, India for the
Indians (London: Arthur Barker, 1949), pp.
187–189.
(8)
See V. N, Dutta, “Punjabi Refugees and the Urban
Development of Greater Delhi,” in R. E. Frykenberg, ed., Delhi through the Ages (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1993).
(9)
Anon., “A Glimpse into Crowded Bombay,” Swatantra, 7 August
1948.
(10)
H. L. Mansukhani, “The Resettlement of Sind Refugees,”
Swatantra, 11 September I
948.
(11)
Anon., “A Glimpse.”
(12)
R. M. Lala, “Kolwada: Landmark of Swaraj,” Current, 3 May
1950.
(13)
Gardner Murphy, In the Minds of
Men: The Study of Human Behavior and Social Tensions in
India (New York: Basic, 1953), pp.
170–175.
(14)
Taya Zinkin, Reporting
India (London: Chatto and Windus, 1962), pp. 25, 26,
31.
(15)
Prafulla K. Chakraharti, The
Marginal Men: The Refugees and the Left Political Syndrome in
West Bengal (Calcutta: Naya Udyog, 1999), p.
33.
(16)
Joya Chatterji, “Right or Charity? The Debate over Relief
and Rehabilitation in West Bengal, 1947–1950,” in Suvir Kaul, ed.,
The Partitions of Memory: The Afterlife
of the Division of India (Delhi: Permanent Black,
2001), p. 99.
(17)
Sir Jadunath Sarkar, “Brothers from Over the River: The
Refugee Problem of India,” Modern
Review, September 1948.
(18)
Chakravarti, Marginal
Men, ch. 3.
(19)
See letters and statements of 1948–1950 in A Tale of Woes of East Pakistan
Minorities (Calcutta: Voice of New India, 1966), pp.
13–51.
(20)
Current, 4 February
1953.
(21)
“Squatters’ Colonies,” Economic
Weekly (hereafter cited as EW), 5 June
1954.
(22)
See undated Memorandum (c. 1954?) in File No. 6, Meghnad
Saha Papers, Seventh Instalment, NMML.
(23)
See “Report of a Tour of Inspection of Some of the
Refugee Homes in NorthWest India” (1955), reproduced in Seminar, No. 510, February
2002.
(24)
“Congress May Lose West Bengal—If Refugees Remain
Unsettled,” EW, 10 July 1954. There is now a growing literature of
memoirs written (or spoken) by Bengali refugees. For a sampling of
works in English, see jasodhara Bagchi and Subhoranjan Dasgupta,
eds., The Trauma and the Triumph Gender and
Partition in Eastern India (Kolkata: Stree, 2003);
Gargi Chakravartty, Coming Out of Partition:
Refugee Women of Bengal (New Delhi: Bluejay, 2005);
Manas Ray, “Growing Up Refugee,” History
Workshop Journal, No. 53,
2002.
(25)
See R. M. Lala, “Refugees,”Current, 29 March 1950.
(26)
S. Gopal, ed., Selected Works of
jawaharlal Nehru, Second Series, Vol. 4 (New Delhi:
Nehru Memorial Fund, 1986), pp. 115–117. (The original broadcast was
in Hindi.)
(27)
Aparna Basu, Mridula Sarabhai
Rebel with a Cause (Delhi; Oxford University Press,
1996), ch. 8.
(28)
Ritu Menon and Kamla Bhasin, Borders and Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition
(New Delhi: Kali for Women), pp. 91–93, 97-98. See also Urvashi
Butalia, The Other Side of Silence: Voices
from the Partition of India (New Delhi: Viking,
1998), ch. 4.
(29)
See Chitra Bhanu, “Food Situation Getting Worse in
Malabar,” Swatantra, 29 July
1947; “Famine Conditions in East Godavari,” Swatantra, 4 October 1947; P. V. C. Rao, “The Food
Debacle,” Swatantra, 7 August
1948; P. V. C. Rao, “Lesson of Gujerat Famine,” Swatantra, 12 February
1949.
(30)
Clare Wofford and Harris Wofford, India Afire (New York: John Day, 1951), pp. 105-106,
113–115; “Communists in Hyderabad,” Swatantra, 28 May 1949.
(31)
Ananth Rao Kanangi, “Communists in Andhra,” Current, 3 May
1950.
(32)
Quoted in John H, Kautsky, Moscow
and the Communist Party of India (New York: Wiley,
1956), p. 49.
(33)
G. S. Bhargava, “Balchandra Triambak Ranadive,” Swatantra, 22 April
1950.
(34)
D. Jayakanthan, A Literary Man’s
Political Experiences, trans. from Tamil by M. S.
Venkataramani (New Delhi: Vikas, 1976), pp.
19–22.
(35)
Gene D. Overstreet and Marshall Windmiller, Communism in India (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1959), ch.
13.
(36)
Quoted in M. R. Masani, The
Communist Party of India: A Short History (Bombay:
Bhavan’s Book University, 1967), pp. 78-79.
(37)
Pravda, 25 November
1949, quoted in Mahavir Singh, Soviet View
of the Indian National Congress (New Delhi: Sanchar,
1991), p. 22.
(38)
Penderel Moon to his father, 5 February 1949, Moon
Papers, MSS. Eur. F. 230/23, OIOC.
(39)
Anon., “Rounding Up of Communists in Hyderabad,”
Swatantra, 4 June 1949;
Wofford and Wofford, India Afire,
pp. 118-119.
(40)
Gupta, The Agrarian
Drama, pp. 464-465.
(41)
Gopal, Selected Works of
Jawaharlal Nehru, Vol. 4, pp.
52-53.
(42)
See correspondence in G. M. Nandurkar, Sardar’s Letters-Mostly Unknown—
Post-Centenary, Vol. 2 (Ahmedabad: Sardar Patel
Smarak Bhavan, 1981), pp. 20–22; and Post-Centenary, Vol. 3 (1983), pp.
42-43.
(43)
Baroo, “Enter the Sangh,” Swatantra, 10 September 1949. For a sympathetic
contemporary portrait of the RSS, see Jagat S. Bright, Guruji
Golwalkar and R. S. S. (Delhi: New India,
1951).
(44)
Letter quoted in Current, 19 October 1949.
(45)
N. S. Murhana, “Golwalkar’s Climb on Congress Ladder,”
Current, 9 November
1949.
(46)
News report in Current, 16 November 1949.
(47)
Dewan Chaman Lail, quoted in Tai Yong Tan and Gyanesh
Kudesia, The Aftermath of Partition in South
Asia (London: Routledge,
2000).
(48)
R. G. Casey, An
Australian in India (London: Hollis and
Carter, 1947), p. 114.
(49)
Albert Mayer, Pilot Project,
India: The Story of Rural Development at Etawah, Uttar
Pradesh (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1958), p. 13.
الفصل السادس: الدستور
(1)
HT, 10 and 11 December 1946.
(2)
Description by an independent Anglo-Indian member, Frank
Anthony. Constituent Assembly Debates:
Official Report (reprint, New Delhi: Lok Sabha
Secretariat, 1988—hereafter cited as CAD), Vol. 8, p.
329.
(3)
K. Santhanam, quoted in Granville Austin, The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a
Nation (1966, reprint New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2002), p. 13. The varied ideologies and political trends
represented in the Assembly are discussed in S. K. Chaube, Constituent Assembly of India: Springboard of
Revolution (second edition: New Delhi, Manohar,
2000), especially chs. 8 to 10.
(4)
Churchill, quoted in CAD, Vol. 2, pp. 267,
271.
(5)
See “Summary of Representations Received in Office
Regarding ‘Rights of Minorities,’ “in file No. 37, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(6)
Austin, The Indian
Constitution, p. 71.
(7)
CAD, Vol. 1, pp. 59–61. That Nehru would mention the
Russian revolution along with the other two may be considered by
some characteristic of his broad mindedness, by others as
characteristic merely of his lack of
discrimination.
(8)
See CAD, Vol. 4, pp. 737–762.
(9)
Austin, The Indian
Constitution, pp. 314-315.
(10)
The words are those of Ambedkar. See CAD, Vol. 9, p. 974.
The contributions of Munshi, Aiyar, and Rau to the making of the
constitution were immense. They prepared dozens of notes and minutes
on specific subjects, the more important of which are reproduced in
B. Shiva Rao, ed., The Framing of India’s
Constitution: Select Documents, 4 vols. (New Delhi:
Indian Institute of Public Administration, 1968). On K. M. Munshi’s
role, see also N. H. Bhagwati, “An Architect of the Constitution,”
in Munshi at Seventy-Five
(Bombay: Dr. K. M. Munshi’s Seventy-Sixth Birthday Celebration
Committee, 1962).
(11)
In the preface to the 1999 edition of his book, Austin
amends this slightly, speaking of unity, social revolution, and
democracy as “the three strands of a seamless web.” Austin’s work is
indispensable; but see also the long critique by Upendra Baxi, “The
Little Done, the Vast Undone — Some Reflections on Reading Granville
Austin’s The Indian Constitution,” Journal
of the Indian Law Institute, Vol. 9, 1967, pp.
323–430.
(12)
CAD, Vol. 7, p. 39.
(13)
Ibid., pp. 219, 285, 350, 387,
etc.
(14)
Ibid., p. 305.
(15)
For a good discussion of how this choice was made, see E.
Sridharan, “The Origins of the Electoral System,” in Zoya Hasan, E.
Sridharan, and R. Sudarshan, eds., India’s
Living Constitution (New Delhi: Permanent Black,
2002). See also “Report by the Constitutional Adviser on His Visit
to U. S. A., Canada, Ireland, and England,” in Rao, Select Documents, Vol. 3, pp.
217–226.
(16)
Nehru, quoted in Austin, The
Indian Constitution, p. 121.
(17)
The phrase is that of Granville Austin’s. See The Indian
Constitution, p.
50.
(18)
An excellent discussion of the framing of the Fundamental
Rights section is contained in B. Shiva Rao, ed., The Framing of India’s Constitution: A
Study (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Public
Administration, 1968), ch. 7.
(19)
Austin, The Indian
Constitution, p. 56.
(20)
CAD, Vol. 4, p. 769.
(21)
CAD, Vol. 11, pp. 711–713.
(22)
CAD, Vol. 7, p. 360.
(23)
CAD, Vol. 11, p. 616.
(24)
Intervention by Shibban Lai Saxena, CAD, Vol. 11, pp.
705-706.
(25)
Ibid., p. 212.
(26)
Interventions by Loknath Misra and K. Hanumanthaiya, CAD,
Vol. 11, pp. 799, 617.
(27)
CAD, Vol. 5, pp. 54-55.
(28)
Intervention by Balkrishna Sharma, CAD, Vol. 5, pp.
74–76.
(29)
Speech of 17 December 1946, CAD, Vol. 1, p. 102.
(Emphasis in original.)
(30)
CAD, Vol. 4, p. 546.
(31)
Ibid., p. 859.
(32)
CAD, Vol. 5, pp. 211–213.
(33)
Ibid., p. 271.
(34)
CAD, Vol. 7, p. 306; Vol. 8, p.
300.
(35)
Intervention by Naziruddin Ahmad, CAD, Vol. 8, pp.
296-297.
(36)
CAD, Vol. 1, p. 138.
(37)
CAD, Vol. 4, p. 668.
(38)
CAD, Vol. 7, p. 356.
(39)
CAD, Vol. 5, pp. 202-203; Vol. 11, pp.
608-609.
(40)
CAD, Vol. 9, pp.
667–669.
(41)
Intervention by Brajeshwar Prasad, CAD, Vol. 10, p.
239.
(42)
CAD, Vol. 8, pp. 344-345.
(43)
CAD, Vol. 5, p. 210.
(44)
Regrettably, there is no biography of Jaipal Singh. See,
however, P. G. Ganguly, “’Separatism in the Indian Polity: A Case
Study,” in M. C. Pradhan et al., eds., Anthropology and Archaeology: Essays in Commemoration of
Verrier Elwin (Bombay: Oxford University Press,
1969).
(45)
CAD, Vol. 1, pp.
143-144.
(46)
CAD, Vol. 7, pp. 559-560.
(47)
Intervention by Brajeshwar Prasad, CAD, Vol. 9, p.
281.
(48)
CAD, Vol. 1, pp. 26-27.
(49)
HT, 11 December 1946.
(50)
CAD, VoJ. 8, p. 745.
(51)
CAD, Vol. 7, pp. 20–31.
(52)
See Suniti Kumar Chatterji, Languages and the Linguistic Problem, Oxford
Pamphlet on Indian Affairs, No. 11 (Bombay: Oxford University Press,
1943); Alok Rai, Hindi
Nationalism (Hyderabad: Orient Longman,
2000).
(53)
Jawaharlal Nehru, “The Question of Language” (1937), in
The Unity of India: Collected Writings,
1937–1940 (London: Lindsay Drummond, 1941), pp.
241–261.
(54)
letrer to Krishnachandra, 12 May 1945, in CWMG, Volume
80, p. 117.
(55)
See letters in CWMG, Vol. 80, pp. 181, 317-318; Vol.
81, pp. 33-34, 332.
(56)
Austin, The Indian
Constitution, p. 267.
(57)
See interventions by B. Pocker Sahib Bahadur and Jaipal
Singh, CAD, Vol. 4, pp. 553, 554.
(58)
CAD, Vol. 7, p. 235.
(59)
Article 343, Constitution of
India.
(60)
This section is based on Ambedkar’s last speech to the
Constituent Assembly: CAD, Vol. 11, pp.
972–981.
(61)
John W. Dower, Embracing Defeat:
Japan in the Wake of World War II (New York; Norton,
1999), p. 347. The making of the Japanese constitution is discussed
in chs. 12 and 13.
(62)
Courtney Whitney, quoted ibid., p.
373.
(63)
Austin, The Indian
Constitution, pp. 308, 309-310,
328.
الجزء الثاني: الهند في عهد نهرو
الفصل السابع: أكبر مقامرة في التاريخ
(1)
Vignhneswara (V. Raghunathan), Sotto Voce: A Social and Political Commentary, Vol.
1, The Coming of Freedom (Madras:
B. G. Paul, 1951), p. 203.
(2)
Quoted in Current,
18 July 1951.
(3)
“Disintegration of the Congress,” Current, 9 May
1951.
(4)
See S. H. Desai. “Sardar Parel,” Current, 14 August 1948; A. S. Iyengar, All through the Gandhian Era:
Reminscences (Bombay: Hind Kitabs, 1950), pp. 289–295
(section titled “Nehru and Patel”); V. Shankar, My Reminiscences of Sardar Patel, Vol.
2 (New Delhi: Macmillan, 1975), pp. 20–3.
(5)
Prasad had a greater following than Rajaji because he was
a Hindi speaker from north India (like the majority of congressmen
at the rime), and because unlike Rajaji he had actively participated
in the “Quit India” movement of 1942. See Rajmohan Gandhi, The Rajaji Story, 1937–1972 (Bombay:
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1984), pp. 190–194.
(6)
Statesman, 26 January
1950. Left-wing critics complained about the pageantry, saying it
was a colonial hangover. They were reminded that “pomp and pageantry
were Indian before they became British, and the British used them
because they understood the Indian mentality.” See “Shridharani in
Delhi,” Swatantra, 8 January
1950.
(7)
The verdicts, respectively, of Michael Brecher, Nehru: A Political Biography (London:
Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 43; K. A. Abbas, “Rajarshi
Tandon—the New President,” Swatantra, 9 September 1950; and Current, 13 September
1950.
(8)
Nehru to Rajagopalachari, letters of 26 and 27 August
1950, File No. 189, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(9)
Nehru, “Statement to the Press,” 13 September 1950, copy
in File No. 24, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment, NMML.
This statement has not been reproduced in S. Copal’s Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru (New
Delhi: Nehru Memorial Fund, 1986).
(10)
Letter of 28 March 1950, in SPC, Vol. 10, p.
19.
(11)
Gandhi, Patel, pp.
526-527.
(12)
S. Gopal,, Nehru,
Vol. 2, p. 309.
(13)
Gandhi, Patel, p.
530.
(14)
“Vallabhbhai Patel,” in S. Gopal and Uma Iyengar, eds.,
The Essential Writings of Jawaharlal
Nehru, Vol. 1 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2003), p. 633.
(15)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
2, p. 155.
(16)
See K. Mukherjee, “The Resurrection of Somnath,”
Indian Review, July
195l.
(17)
Nehru to Rajendra Prasad, 2 March 1951, copy in Subject
File 46, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(18)
Speech in Hindi at Somnath, 11 May 1951, in Valmiki
Choudhary, ed., Dr. Rajendra Prasad:
Correspondence and Select Documents, Vol. 14 (New
Delhi: Allied, 1991). I am grateful to Professor Bhagwan Josh of
jawaharlal Nehru University for this reference. This and other
translations from the Hindi in this book are
mine.
(19)
Editorial in Swatantra, 8 September 1951.
(20)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
2, p. 155.
(21)
Richard I. Park, “India’s General Election,” Far Eastern Survey, 9 January
1952.
(22)
This description of the mechanics of the election is
based on Sukumar Sen, Report on the First
General Elections in India, 1951-1952 (New Delhi:
Election Commission, 1955). That source was supplemented by Park,
“India’s General Election”; and Irene Tinker and Mil Walker, “The
First General Elections in India and Indonesia,” Far Eastern Survey, July
1956.
(23)
Times of India
(Bombay—hereafter cited as TOI), 5 November
1951.
(24)
See, for example, Asoka Mehta, The Pnlitical Mind of India (Bombay: Socialist
Party, 1952).
(25)
News report in Searchlight (Patna), 22 November
1951.
(26)
See Craig Baxter, The Jana Sangh:
A Biography of an Indian Political Party (Bombay:
Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 87-88,
etc.
(27)
Reports in HT, 12 October 1951; TOI, 9 November 1951;
Mehta, The Political Mind, p.
61.
(28)
TOI, 9 November 1951; Manikuntala Sen, In Search of Freedom: An Unfinished
Journey (Calcutta: STREE, 2001), pp. 220-221; Ravi
Narayan Reddy, Heroic Telengana:
Reminiscences and Experiences (New Delhi: Communist
Party of India), pp. 71-72.
(29)
Lord Birdwood, A Continent
Decides (London: Robert Hale, 1953), p. 103; TOI, 22
January 1952 (news report, “Bovine Election
Propaganda”).
(30)
TOI, L January 1952.
(31)
S. Borzenko, “Before the Elections in India,” originally
published in Pravda, 25 October
1951; translated in Swatantra, 1
December 1951.
(32)
Park, “India’s General
Election.”
(33)
Prakash, “Lalaji,” Shankar’s
Weekly, 6 January 1952.
(34)
This is and the following paragraphs on Nehru’s all-India
election tour are based on newspaper reports in TOI and HT,
supplemented by Anon., The Pilgrimage and
After: The Story of How the Congress Fought and Won the General
Elections (New Delhi: All India Congress Committee,
1952).
(35)
See Ajit Bhattacharjea, J. P.:
His Biography (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1975), pp.
254, 256. Indira Gandhi based her allegations on the fact thar one
Socialist leader, Rammanohar Lohia, had recently returned from a
speaking tour in the United States; and another, Jayaprakash
Narayan, had once studied there.
(36)
Frank Moraes, Jawaharlal Nehru:
A Biography (New York: Macmillan, 1956), p.
413.
(37)
Anon., The Pilgrimage
and After, p. 23.
(38)
D. F. Karaka, Nehru:
The Lotus Eater from Kashmir (London: Derek
Verschoyle, 1953), pp. 96–98.
(39)
Nehru to Lady Mounrbatten, 3 December 1951,
quoted in Gopal, Nehru,
Vol. 2, p. 161.
(40)
The account of voting and voters’ behaviour is largely
based on contemporary newspaper accounts, especially in TOI and
HT.
(41)
HT, 26 October 1951.
(42)
Irene Tinker Walker, “The General Election in Himachal
Pradesh, India, 1951,” Parliamentary
Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 3, Summer
1953.
(43)
“General Elections,” EW, 5 January
1952.
(44)
Jean Lyon, Just Half a World
Away: My Search for the New India (London:
Hutchinson, 1955), pp. 125–130.
(45)
Sen, Report, p.
135.
(46)
Personal communication from Professor Rajen
Harshe of Hyderabad University, 21 May
2002.
(47)
Park, “India’s General
Election.”
(48)
C. R. Srinivasan, “The Elections Are On,” Indian Review, January 1952. Emphasis
added.
(49)
Clare Wofford and Harris Wofford, Jr., India Afire (New York: John Day, 1951),
p. 25.
(50)
Letter in MSS. Eur. F. 230/26,
OIOC.
(51)
Organiser, 7 January
1952, quoted in Margaret W. Fisher and Joan V. Bondurant, eds.,
The Indian Experience with Democratic
Elections, Indian Press Digests, University of
California, Berkeley, No. 3, December 1956, p.
60.
(52)
Tribune (Amhala), 22
December 1951; and Hitavada, 30
December 1951, both quoted ibid., pp. 56-57,
58.
(53)
This paragraph is based on press reports, ibid., pp. 61f;
Nehru’s remarks are quoted in W. H. Morris-Jones, “The Indian
Elections,” EW, 28 June and 5 July 1952.
(54)
Chester Bowles, Ambassador’s
Report (New York: Harper, 1954), ch.
11.
(55)
Ahmed Emin Yalman in TOI, 21 February 1951. (He was the
editor of the Daily Vatan in
Istanbul.)
(56)
D. P. Mukerji, “First Fruits of General Elections,” EW,
26 January 1952.
(57)
Jawaharlal Nehru, An
Autobiography: With Musings on Recent Events in India
(1936, reprint London: Bodley Head, 1949), p. 598 (quote taken from
the postscript dated Badenweiler, 25 October
1935).
الفصل الثامن: الهند والعالم
(1)
Nirad C. Chaudhuri, “After Nehru, Who?” Illustrated Weekly of India, 10 May
1953.
(2)
Arthur Lall, The Emergence of
Modern India (New York: Columbia University Press,
1981), p. 128. (Lall was a high-ranking member of the Indian Foreign
Service and had worked closely with Nehru.)
(3)
The Autobiography was
Nehru’s second book-length work. The first, whose title (Glimpses of World History) is
testimony to his global outlook, was written initially as a series
of letters to his daughter from jail. His third major book was
published in 1946; its title is also revealing—it was called
The Discovery of India,
suggesting that perhaps this man was an internationalist well before
he became a patriot, that he had discovered the world before he had
discovered India.
(4)
“Peace and Empire,” in Jawaharlal Nehru, Peace and India (London: India League,
1938).
(5)
See Nehru to S. K. Datta, letters of 20 June 1939 and
24 December 1941, Datta Papers, MSS. Eur. F. 178/28,
OIOC.
(6)
See Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s
Foreign Policy; Selected Speeches, September 1946–April
1961 (New Delhi: Publications Division, 1961), pp. 3,
24, 28-29, 31-32. It is important to remember here that Nehru wrote
his speeches himself.
(7)
Quoted in K. P S. Menon, “India and the Soviet
Union,” in B. R. Nanda, ed., Indian
Foreign Policy: The Nehru Years (Delhi:
Vikas, 1976), p. 134.
(8)
James Cameron, Point of
Departure (London: Arthur Barker, 1967), p.
247.
(9)
See Asian Relations; Being a
Report of the Proceedings and Documentation of the First Asian
Relations Conference, New Delhi, March-April 1947
(New Delhi: Asian Relations Organization,
1948).
(10)
Quoted in Parsa Venkateshwar Rao, Jr., “The Misty Origins
of NAM,” New Sunday Indian
Express, 26 January 2003.
(11)
CWMG, Vol. 87, pp. 190–193.
(12)
Quoted in “The Asian Conference, 1947,” in Diana
Mansergh, ed., Independence Years:
The Selected Indian and Commonwealth Papers of Nicholas
Mansergh (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1999), p. 81.
(13)
Jawaharlal Nehru, Glimpses of
World History (1934, rev. ed. London: Lindsay
Drummond, 1949), p. 930.
(14)
Time, 17 October
1949.
(15)
P. P. Kumaramangalam to C. Rajagopalachari, 22
December 1947, in File No. 82, Fifth Instalment, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, NMML. Kumaramangalam went on to
become the highest-ranking military officer in India, chief
of army staff.
(16)
Harold Isaac, Images of Asia:
American Views of China and India (1958, new ed. New
York: Harper and Row, 1972), especially Part
III.
(17)
Quoted in Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2, p. 59.
(18)
These speeches are reproduced in Jawaharlal Nehru,
Visit to America (New York:
John Day, 1950).
(19)
Quoted in J. J. Singh, “The Triumph of Nehru,” Indian Review, January
1950.
(20)
See Gopal, Nehru,
Vol. 2, p. 61.
(21)
Time, 14 November
1949.
(22)
Dean Acheson, Present at the
Creation: My Years in the State Department (London:
Hamish Hamilton, 1970), pp. 334–336.
(23)
See Vijayalakshmi Pandit’s comments on Dean Acheson in
The Scope of Happiness: A Personal
Memoir (New Delhi: Orient Paperbacks, 1981), pp.
235-236.
(24)
Bowles, Ambassador’s
Report, ch. 9.
(25)
Saunders Redding, An American in
India: A Personal Report on the Indian Dilemma and the Nature of
Her Conflicts (Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-Merrill,
1954), p. 47.
(26)
Quoted in Hindu, 30
October 1953.
(27)
Walter Crocker, Nehru: A
Contemporary’s Estimate (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1966), p. 114.
(28)
Keith Callard, Pakistan; A
Political Study (London: George Allen and Unwin,
1957), p. 321.
(29)
See untitled note enclosed with letter from Winston
Churchill to Lord Mountbatten, 21 November 1947, in MSS. Eur. F.
200/39, OIOC; Kissinger, quoted in Aslam Siddiqi, Pakistan Seeks Security (Lahore:
Longmans, Green, 1960), p. 109.
(30)
See Baldev Raj Nayar, Superpower
Dominance and Military Aid: A Study of Military Aid to
Pakistan (New Delhi: Manohar, 1991); Anon.,
“U. S.-Pak Pact: An American View,” Swatantra, 27 February 1954.
(31)
E. Stanley Jones, quoted in Hindu, 25 December 1953. Jones was the author of a
number of books on Indian themes, among them a sympathetic study of
Mahatma Gandhi.
(32)
Taya Zinkin, “Indo-American Relations,” Economic Weekly, Annual No., January
1956.
(33)
Letter of 21 May 1954, Birla Papers,
NMML.
(34)
“Interview with Hon. John Foster Dulles,”
ibid.
(35)
Letter of 6 February 1956, ibid.
(36)
“Dulles Press Conference in India” (New Delhi: United
States Information Service, 1956).
(37)
See Denis Kux, India and the
United States, 1941–1991: Estranged Democracies
(Washington, D. C.: National Defense University Press,
1993).
(38)
Jawaharlal Nehru, Soviet Russia:
Some Random Sketches and Impressions (Allahabad:
Allahabad Law Journal Press, 1928).
(39)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
1, p. 108.
(40)
See David Caure, The fellow
Travellers (New Haven, Conn.; Yale University Press,
1987).
(41)
Robert H. Donaldson, Soviet
Policy towards India: Ideology and Strategy
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), pp.
109–112.
(42)
See Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoirs (London: Doubleday, 1996), pp. 52-53:
“Obviously, we [students] were still very far from understanding the
principles of democracy. Yet, the simplified black-and-white picture
of the world as presented by our propaganda was even then considered
rather sceptically by the students. Jawaharlal Nehru’s visit to
Moscow in June 1955 was an unexpected stimulus for me in this
respect … This amazing man, his noble bearing, keen eyes and warm
and disarming smile, made a deep impression on
me.”
(43)
K. P. Menon, The Flying
Troika (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), pp.
110–119.
(44)
Anon., “Soviet Leaders’ Visit and After,” EW, 24 December
1955.
(45)
N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchev, Visit of Friendship to India, Burma, and
Afghanistan: Speeches and Official Documents, November -December
1955 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House,
1955).
(46)
A. D. Gorwala, “As Nehru Leaves for Moscow,” Current, 1 June
1955.
(47)
For example, C. Parameswaran, Nehru’s Foreign Policy X-Rayed (New Delhi: Author,
1954).
(48)
For representative views, see L. Natarajan, American Shadow over India (Bombay:
People’s Publishing House, 1952); Romesh Thapar, India in Transition (Bombay: Current
Book House, 1956). Louis Fischer, travelling through India in
1953-1954, commented that the prevailing understanding of
non-alignment “tended to close minds to criticisms of Russia while
stimulating a less-than-friendly attitude towards the Western
democracies.” Fischer, This Is Our
World (London: Jonathan Cape, 1956), pp.
142-143.
(49)
“The Bandung Conference,” in A. Appadorai, Essays in Politics and International
Relations (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1969),
pp. 79–113.
(50)
Lok Sabha Debates,
Vol. 1955, col. 8962 to 8974.
(51)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
2, pp. 277–290.
(52)
“Aggression in Egypt and Hungary,” Swatantra, 10 November
1956.
(53)
See Nehru, India’s Foreign
Policy, pp. 534f.
(54)
See Escott Reid, Envoy to
Nehru (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1981), ch.
11.
(55)
L. N. S., “Double-Think,” Swatantra, 17 November 1956.
(56)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
2, pp. 291–299.
(57)
Frank Moraes, India
Today (New York: Macmillan, 1960), pp.
198-199.
(58)
See T. J. S. George, Krishna
Menon: A Biography (London: Jonathan Cape,
1964).
(59)
Vincent Sheean, Nehru: The Years
of Power (London: Victor Gollancz, 1960), pp.
144-145.
(60)
See news report in Current, 15 February 1956.
(61)
United Nations World,
quoted in Current, 21 April
1954.
(62)
Sisela Bok, Alva Myrdal: A
Daughter’s Memoir (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley,
1991), p. 252.
(63)
K. M. Pannikar, In Two Chinas:
Memoirs of a Diplomat (London: George Allen and
Unwin, 1955), pp. 80–82.
(64)
Nehru, India’s Foreign
Policy, pp. 302-303.
(65)
Nehru to Vijayalakshmi Pandit, 1 November 1953,
Vijayalakshmi Pandit Papers, NMML.
(66)
SPC, Vol. 10, pp. 335–341. See also Marc C. Feer, “Tibet
in Sino-indian Relations,” India
Quarterly, Vol. 9, No. 4,
1953.
(67)
D. K. Karaka, “Nehru’s Neutralism Brings Mao to Our
Frontier,” Current, 29 November
1950.
(68)
SPC, Vol. 10, pp. 342–347.
(69)
Vijayalakshmi Pandit to Jawaharlal Nehru, 16 May 1952,
copy in File No. 123, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(70)
John Rowland, A History of
Sino-indian Relations: Hostile Co-Existence
(Princeton, N. J.: Van Nostrand, 1967), ch.
7.
(71)
Bajpai to Subimal Dutt, 18 October 1954, letter in
possession of Dr. Supriya Guha. It has been claimed that Patel’s
famous letter to Nehru on Tibet was actually drafted by Bajpai
(personal communication from his son, K. S.
Bajpai).
(72)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2,
pp. 227–230; Moraes, India Today,
p. 191. Among the topics discussed by Nehru and Mao was the
possibility of an atomic war between the superpowers. When Nehru
said he dreaded the prospect, Mao answered that he welcomed it,
because while western imperialism would be destroyed the more
populous socialist bloc would still have some men standing; these
would then reproduce themselves, and in time “the whole world would
become socialist.” See Stuart Schram, Mao
Tse-tung (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967), p. 291 and
n.
(73)
TOI, 3 November 1954.
(74)
Notes in File No. 6, Subimal Dutt Papers, NMML; George N.
Patterson, Tragic Destiny
(London: Faber and Faber, 1959), pp. 160–163.
(75)
Letters to “R,” dated 8 December 1956, in File No. 46, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(76)
Sir Charles Bell, quoted in Dorothy Woodman. Himalayan Frontiers: A Political Review of
British, Chinese, Indian, and Russian Rivalries
(London: Barrie and Rockcliff, 1969), p. 179. Woodman’s book remains
the best historical account of the origins of the border dispute
between India and China. But see also Hsiao-Ting Lin, “Boundary,
Sovereignty, and Imagination: Reconsidering the Frontier Disputes
between British India and Republican China, 1914–1947,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth
History, Vol. 32 No. 3, 2004.
(77)
On Elwin, the IFAS, and their work in NEFA, see
Ramachandra Guha, Savaging the Civilized:
Verrier Elwin, His Tribals, and India (Chicago, 111.:
University of Chicago Press, 1999), ch. 11.
(78)
Woodman, Himalayan
Frontiers, p. 66.
(79)
“Indo-Pakistan Clash of Ideologies,” TOI. 26 January
1952.
(80)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2,
pp. 82–88; Chakravartty, Coming Out of
Partition, pp. 15–25.
(81)
I have simplified and summarized a complex story told in
detail in A. A. Michel, The Indus Rivers: A
Study of the Effects of Partition (New Haven, Conn.:
Yale University Press, 1967).
(82)
See J. B. Das Gupta, Indo-Pakistan Relations, 1947–1955 (Amsterdam:
Djam-batan, 1958), pp. 51-52.
(83)
“Feelings in the Capital about the Trade Pact with
Pakistan,” unsigned note dated 28 February 1951, in File No. 61, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment, NMML. A year before this,
when Nehru signed his agreement with Liaqat Ali Khan, a critic
complained that he “represents the beatific school which believes in
self-flagellation in reconciliation [with] the enemy.” “Shridharani
from New Delhi,” Current, 12
April 1950.
(84)
Dawn, 19, 24, 25,
and 28 January 1955.
(85)
N. V. Rajkumar, The Problem of
French India (New Delhi: All India Congress
Committee, 1951); Governor of Madras to President of India, 16 April
1954, in File 215, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML; Dawn 27 January
1955.
(86)
TOI, 2 November 1955.
(87)
Quoted in Goa and the Indian
Union (Lisbon: Secretariado Nacional da Informaco,
1954).
(88)
See Portuguese India: A Survey of
Conditions after 400 Years of Foreign Colonial Rule
(Bombay: Goa Congress Committee, 1939); Juliao Menezes, Goa’s Freedom Struggle (Bombay-Author,
1947).
(89)
R. M. Lala, “Report on Daman,” Current, 22 November 1950.
(90)
Aloysius Soares, Down the
Corridors of Time: Recollections and Reflexions, Vol.
2, 1948–1970 (Bombay: Author,
1973), pp. 45ff; Current, 25
August 1954.
(91)
Homer A. Jack, Inside
Goa (New Delhi: Information Service of India, 1955);
P. D. Gaitonde, The Liberation of Goa: A
Participant’s View of History (London: C. Hurst,
1987).
(92)
Y. D. Gundevia, Outside the
Archives (Hyderabad: Sangam, 1984), pp.
18-19.
(93)
Letter of 22 January 1953, in Nehru correspondence, Y. D.
Gundevia Papers, NMML.
(94)
C. Rajagopalachari to Edwina Mountbatten, 5 September
1950, File 189, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(95)
See Carlo Feltrinelli, Secret
Service (London: Granta,
2002).
(96)
Bok, Alva Myrdal, p.
243.
الفصل التاسع: إعادة رسم الخريطة
(1)
CWMG, Vol. 89, pp. 312-313.
(2)
“The Question of Language” (1937), in Nehru, The Unity of India: Collected Writings,
1937–1940 (London: Lindsay Drummond, 1941),
pp. 232-233.
(3)
Quoted in Robert D. King, Nehru
and the Language Politics of India (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1997), p. 102.
(4)
CWMG, Vol. 90, p. 86.
(5)
Ibid., p. 494.
(6)
See letter of 8 June 1948 to Tushar Kanti Ghosh, in
Subject File 82, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(7)
Report of the Linguistic
Provinces Commission (New Delhi: Constituent Assembly
of India, 1948), paragraphs 146 and 147.
(8)
King, Nehru and Language
Politics, pp. 107-108, passim.
(9)
See Baldev Raj Nayar, Minority
Politics in the Punjab (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton
University Press, 1960), chs. 2 and 3.
(10)
Satindra Singh, “Master Tara Singh: A Born Rebel,”
Thought, 9 December
1967.
(11)
Nayar, Minority
Politics, p. 143.
(12)
Quoted ibid., p. 36.
(13)
The best account of the history of the Andhra movement,
on which the preceding paragraphs largely draw, is K. V Narayana
Rao, The Emergence of Andhra
Pradesh (Bombay: Popular Prakashan,
1973).
(14)
Current, 2 January
1952. See also Selig Harrison, India: The
Most Dangerous Decades (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton
University Press, I960), pp. 234-235.
(15)
Congress Sandesh,
quoted in Narayana Rao, Emergence of Andhra
Pradesh, p. 241.
(16)
See TOl, 24 February 1952.
(17)
See “Kowshika,” The Boundaries
of Andhra Province (Pudukottai: Anbu Nilayam,
1947).
(18)
Narayana Rao, Emergence of
Andhra Pradesh, p. 243.
(19)
History of Andhra
Movement, Vol. 2 (Hyderabad: Committee for History of
Andhra Movement, 1985), p. 496.
(20)
Gandhi to T. Prakasam, 4 January 1947, in History of Andhra Movement, pp.
496-497; also CWMG, Vol. 86, p. 242.
(21)
Interview with Professor Beteille, New Delhi, December
2001.
(22)
See Subject File 123, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth
Instalment, NMML.
(23)
See P. R. Rao, History of
Modern Andhra (New Delhi: Sterling, 1984), p.
130.
(24)
Letter of 18 August 1953 to General Sir Roy Bucher,
Subject File 124, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(25)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
2, p. 259.
(26)
Memorandum Submitted to the
States Reorganization
Commission (Bombay:
Bombay Citizens’ Committee, 1954).
(27)
The activities of the committee, including its strategies
for fund-raising and public relations, can be followed through the
mass of material in File No. 383, Purushot-tamdas Thakurdas Papers,
NMML.
(28)
Golwalkar, quoted in TOI, 8 November
1951.
(29)
Report in TOI, 24 May 1954.
(30)
Gadgil and Deshmukh are both quoted in Robert W. Stein,
The Process of Opposition in
India (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press,
1970), p. 46.
(31)
Samyukta Maharashtra Parishad, Memorandum to the States Reorganization Committee,
May 1954. (Copy in the library of the Gokhale Institute of Politics
and Economics, Pune. D. R. Gadgil was the chief draughtsman of this
memorandum.)
(32)
See report of meeting of 20 June 1954 in File No. 383,
Purushottamdas Thakurdas Papers, NMML.
(33)
This section is based on Report
of the States Reorganization Commission (Delhi:
Manager of Publications, 1955).
(34)
See Lok Sabha
Debates, Vol. 10, 1955.
(35)
Current, 4 January
1956.
(36)
The name change was effected toward the end of
1955.
(37)
Taya Zinkin, Reporting
India (London: Chatto and Windus, 1962), p.
108.
(38)
Current, 25 January
1956. See also V. M. Bhave, “Struggle for
Maharashtra,7’ New Age, September
1956.
(39)
Letter of 23 January 1956, Subject File No. 68, C. D.
Deshmukh Papers, NMML.
(40)
See papers in Subject File No. 67, C. D. Deshmukh Papers,
NMML.
(41)
See letters and papers in Subject File No. 4, N. V.
Gadgil Papers, NMML.
(42)
As reported in alarm to the home minister, G. B. Pant,
by Sir Purushottamdas Thakurdas. See letter of 20 January 1956, in
File No. 383, Purushottamdas Thakurdas Papers,
NMML.
(43)
Current, 15 and 29
February, 1956.
(44)
Y. D. Phadke, Politics and
Language (Bombay: Himalaya, 1979), ch.
6.
(45)
See Baburao Patel, Burning Words:
A Critical History of Nine Years of Nehru’s Rule from 1947 to
1956 (Bombay: Sumati, 1956), pp.
106–108.
(46)
Ravi Kalia, Bhubaneshwar: From a
Temple Town to a Capital City (Carbon-dale: Southern
Illinois University Press, 1994).
(47)
Janaki Nair, “‘Past Perfect’: Architecture and Public
Life in Bangalore,” unpublished manuscript. I am grateful to Dr.
Nair for showing me a copy of this manuscript, which was to form
part of her history of Bangalore. That has since been published as
The Promise of the Metropolis:
Bangalore’s Twentieth Century (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2005).
(48)
TOi, 26 February 1952.
(49)
Anon., “Andhra Answers Dulles,” EW, 5 March
1955.
الفصل العاشر: إخضاع الطبيعة
(1)
W. Burns, ed., Sons of the Soil:
Studies of the Indian Cultivator, 2nd ed. (Delhi:
Manager of Publications, 1944), Introduction.
(2)
Gyanendra Pandey, The Ascendancy
of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh, 1926–1934: A Study in
Imperfect Mobilization (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1978); Peter Reeves, Landlords and
Governments in Uttar Pradesh: A Study of Their Relations until
Zamindari Abolition (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1991).
(3)
Chitra Bhanu, “Food Situation Getting Worse in Malabar,”
Swatantra, 29 July
1947.
(4)
For illuminating contemporary analyses, See Z. A. Ahmad,
The Agrarian Problem in India: A General
Survey (Allahabad: All India Congress Committee,
1936); S. Y. Krishnaswami, Rural Problems in
Madras (Madras: Government of Madras, 1947). Valuable
surveys of the economic history of colonial India include V. B.
Singh, ed., Economic History of India:
1857–1956 (Bombay: Allied, 1965); Dharma Kumar, ed.
The Cambridge Economic History of
India: Vol. 2, c. 1757–c.
1970 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983);
and Tirchankar Ray, The Indian Economy,
1857–1947 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2006).
(5)
See, inter alia, Dwijendra Tripathi, ed., Business and Politics in India: A Historical
Perspective (Delhi: Manohar, 1991); Medha M.
Kudaisya, The Life and Times of G. D.
Birla (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2003).
(6)
John Kenneth Galbraith, “Rival Economic Theories in
India,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 36,
No. 4, 1958, p. 591.
(7)
See Meghnad Saha, “The Problem of Indian Rivers” (1938)
and “Technological Revolution in Industry—How the Russians Did It”
(1943), in Santimay Chartterjee, ed., Collected Works of Meghnad Saha, Vol. 2 (Bombay:
Orient Longman, 1986).
(8)
Lala Lajpat Rai, The Evolution of
Japan and Other Papers (Calcutta: Modern Review,
1922).
(9)
K. T. Shah, “Principles of National Planning,” in Iqbal
Singh and Raja Rao, Whither
India? (Baroda; Padmaja, 1948). Shah was a economist
from Bombay who served as secretary of the NPC. See also R.
Chattopadhyay, “The Idea of Planning in India, 1930–1951,”
unpublished PhD dissertation, Australian National University,
Canberra, 1985.
(10)
See, for example, National
Planning Committee: Report of the Sub-Committee on Power and
Fuel (Bombay: Vora, 1949).
(11)
Memorandum Outlining a Plan of
Economic Development for India, Parts 1 and 2
(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1945), emphasis added. The signatories to
the Bombay Plan included G. D. Birla, Kasturbhai Lalbhai, Lala Shri
Ram, J. R. D. Tata, and Purushottamdas
Thakurdas.
(12)
The intellectual climate of the time, as it pertained to
economic policy, is captured in Tirthankar Ray, “Economic History
and Modern India: Redefining the Link,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 16, No. 3,
2002; Nariaki Nakarozo, “The Transfer of Economic Power in India:
Indian Big Business, the British Raj, and Development Planning,
1930–1948,” in Mushirul Hasan and Nariaki Nakatozo, eds. The Unfinished Agenda: Nation-Building in South
Asia (Delhi: Manohar, 2001); Pranab Bardhan, “A Note
on Nehru as Economic Planner,” in Milton Israel, ed., Nehru and the Twentieth Century
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991).
(13)
Speech in Lok Sabha on 15 December 1952, in Planning and Development: Speeches of Jawaharlal
Nehru, 1952–1956 (New Delhi: Publications Division,
n.d.), pp. 7-8. See also R. Ramadas, “Report on the Draft Five Year
Plan,” Swatantra, 1 December
1951.
(14)
See TOI, 4 November 1954.
(15)
See A. H. Hanson, The Process of
Planning: A Study of India’s Five Year Plans,
1950–1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1966),
pp. 111–120.
(16)
Sunil Khilnani, The Idea of
India (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1997), p.
83. Mahalanobis was an intimate of Rabindranath Tagore’s—it was said
that he had a better knowledge of Tagore’s poems and plays than did
the poet himself.
(17)
For details, see Ashok Rudra, Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis: A Biography (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1996).
(18)
This and the following two paragraphs draw on
Mahalanobis’s letters to Pitamhar Pant, June-July 1954, Pitamhar
Pant Papers, NMML. See also Khilnani, Idea
of India, pp. 83f.
(19)
Mahalanohis wrote he was “in favour of seeking the help
of both USA and USSR (and of UK and other countries) in developing
the industrial production of India” (letrer of 7 July 1954, in
Pitamhar Pant Papers). He was in this respect genuinely
non-partisan. In the years to come, his ISI was host to top
economists from both sides of the Iron Curtain—Simon Kuznets, Oskar
Lange, Charles Bettelheim, Jan Tinbergen, and many others. For
details, see Rudra, Prasanta Chandra
Mahalanobis, ch. 14.
(20)
“Recommendations for the Formulation of the Second Five
Year Plan” and “The Approach of Operational Research to Planning in
India,” both written in 1955, both reprinted in P. K. Bose and M.
Mukherjee, eds., P. C. Mahalanobis: Papers
on Planning (Calcutta: Statistical Publishing
Society, 1985). Along with these narrative papers, Mahalanobis also
framed two mathematical models of economic growth. These are
discussed in T. N. Srinivasan, “Professor Mahalanobis and
Economics,” in Rudra, Prasanta Chandra
Mahalanobis, ch. 11.
(21)
Hanson, Process of
Planning, pp. 128–130. See also K. N. Raj,
“Model-Making and the Second Plan,” EW, 26 January
1956.
(22)
Government of India, The Second
Five Year Plan (New Delhi: Planning Commission,
1956), p. 6.
(23)
P. C. Mahalanobis, “Draft Plan Frame for the Second Five
Year Plan,” Economic Weekly,
Special No., 18 June 1955.
(24)
Hanson, Process of
Planning, pp. 459–462.
(25)
Haldane to Mahalanobis, 16 May 1955, quoted in
Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2, pp.
305-306.
(26)
Letter of 22 December 1952, in Jawharlal Nehru, Letters to Chief Ministers, 5 vols.,
ed. G. Parthasarathi (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985–1989,
hereafter cited as LCM), Vol. 3, pp. 205–207.
(27)
Letter of 22 December 1952, LCM, Vol. 3, p. 205; letter
of 14 February 1956, LCM, Vol. 4, p. 346.
(28)
Letter of 13 January 1955, LCM, Vol. 4, p.
123.
(29)
See “Triangular Contest for Steel Plant,” EW, 19 December
1953; Taya Zinkin, Challenges in
India (New York: Walker, 1966), ch.
7.
(30)
The friend was Joe Miller, the late, legendary librarian
of the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental
Studies.
(31)
See Subject File No. 5, K. P. S. Menon Papers,
NMML.
(32)
Ved Mehta, Portrait of
India (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1970),
pp. 285–297.
(33)
S. Bhoothalingam, “Rourkela Steel Plant,” Indian Review, April
1956.
(34)
See Meghnad Saha, My Experiences
in Soviet Russia (Calcutta, 1945); publisher unknown.
See also K. L. Rao, Cusecs and Candidates:
Memoirs of an Engineer (New Delhi: Metropolitan,
1978).
(35)
Daniel Klingensmith, “One Valley and a Thousand: America,
India, and the World in the Image ol the Tennessee Valley Authority,
1945–1970,” unpublished PhD thesis, Department of History,
University of Chicago, 1999, p. 228.
(36)
A. N. Khosla to C. Rajagopalachari, 30 August
1953, in Subject File 124, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth
Instalment, NMML.
(37)
Henry C. Hart, New India’s
Rivers (Bombay: Orient Longmans, 1956), pp.
97–100.
(38)
“India Marches On: Bhakra-Nangal Project,” Myslndia, 28 November 1954, Much
smaller was the complementary Nangal project, a low concrete dam
located eight miles downstream from the
Bhakra.
(39)
Indian journal of Power and River
Valley Development, Bhakra-Nangal No.,
1956.
(40)
This portrait of Slocum is based on J. D. Sahi, Odd Man Out: Exploits of a Crazy
Idealist (New Delhi: Gitanjai, 1991), pp. 55–69, 133;
M. S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in
India, Vol. 4, 1947–1981 (New Delhi: Indian Council of Agricultural
Research, 1986). pp. 92-93.
(41)
Hart, New India’s
Rivers, p. 225; Current, 14 July 1954.
(42)
Obaid Siddiqi, Science, Society,
Government, and Politics: Some Remarks on the Ideas of
Jawaharlal Nehru, Zaheer Memorial Lecture, Indian
Science Congress, Cochin, February 1990.
(43)
See Shiv Visvanathan, Organizing
for Science: The Making of an Industrial Research
Laboratory (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1985).
(44)
On Bhabha, see Robert S. Anderson, Building Scientific Institutions in India: Saha
and Bhabha, Occasional Paper, Centre for
Developing-Area Studies, McGill University,
1975.
(45)
George Greenstein, “A Gentleman of the Old School: Homi
Bhabha and the Development of Science in India,” American Scholar, Vol. 61, No. 3, 1992,
p. 417.
(46)
HT, 3 October 1952. The Community Development programmes
were inspired by, and to a great extent modelled on, the work of
Albert Mayer in eastern Uttar Pradesh in the late 1940s. See Mayer,
Pilot ProJect; Alice Thorner,
“Nehru, Albert Mayer, and Origins of Community Projects,” Economic and Political Weekly, 24
January 1981.
(47)
S. C. Dube, India’s
Changing Villages (London; Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1958), pp. 157–163, 192–216,
etc.
(48)
T. S. Epstein, Economic
Development and Social Change in South India
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1962), especially pp.
27–47.
(49)
For derails, see B. H. Farmer, Agricultural Colonization in India since
Independence (London: Oxford University Press,
1974).
(50)
See, inter alia, R. P. Masani, The Five Gifts (London: Collins, 1957); Hallam
Tennyson, saint on the March: The Story of
Vinoba (London: Victor Gollancz, 1961) 5 Geoffrey
Ostergaard and Melville Currell, The Gentle
Anarchists: A Study of the Leaders of the Sarvodaya Movement for
Non-Violent Revolution in India (Oxford: Clarendon,
1971). There is a characteristically acid portrait of Bhave in V. S.
Naipaul’s A Wounded Civilization
(Penguin: Harmondsworth, 1977).
(51)
See Ronald J. Herring, Land to
the Tiller: The Political Economy of Agrarian Reform in South
Asia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1983);
“Slow Pace of land Reforms,” Economic
Weekly, 30 May 1953; S. K. Dey, Power to the People? A Chronicle of India
1947–1967 (Bombay: Orient Longmans, 1969), pp.
232f.
(52)
The climate of economic policy in the post-war world is
usefully sketched in Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, The Commanding Heights: The Battle for the World
Economy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002), chs. 2
and 3.
(53)
Hanson, Process of
Planning, p. 128.
(54)
See “A Note on Dissent on the Memorandum of the Panel of
Economists” (1955), in Mahesh P. Bhatt and S. B. Mehta, Planned Progress or Planned Chaos? Selected
Prophetic Writings of Prof. B. R. Shenoy (Madras:
EastWest, 1996), pp. 3–24.
(55)
Milton Friedman, “A Memorandum to the Government of
India, 1955,” in Friedman on
India (New Delhi: Centre for Civil Society, 2000),
pp. 27–43.
(56)
Note of 10 October 1955, reprinted in V. N.
Balabubramanyam, Conversations with
Indian Economists (London: Macmillan, 2001),
pp, 198–201.
(57)
It is noteworthy that the essays of Shenoy, Krishnamurti,
and Friedman were not printed for public distribution until the
1990s—by which time, of course, the political and intellectual
climate was far more congenial to their
views.
(58)
Anon., “Not a People’s Plan,” EW, 18 June
1955.
(59)
I have written elsewhere, and at greater length,
about these “green Gandhians.” See Ramachandra Guha,
Environmentalism: A Global
History (New York: Addison Wesley Longman,
2000), pp. 23-24, 67-68; Guha, Mahatma Gandhi and the Environmental
Movement, Parisar Annual Lecture, Pune,
1992.
(60)
Current, 11 June 1952
and 8 June 1955.
(61)
For the consensus among economists, see I. G. Patel,
Glimpses of Indian Economic Policy: An
Insider’s View (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2002), especially ch. 2.
(62)
Memorandum, p.
92.
(63)
“A Correspondent,” “On Revisiting the Damodar Valley,”
EW, 28 February 1953.
(64)
Letter of 2 October 1952, LCM, Vol. 3, pp. 114-115. Nehru
was speaking here of the Tungabhadra Dam, which he visited about a
month before coming to Bokaro.
الفصل الحادي عشر: القانون والدين
(1)
Andre Malraux, Antimemoirs, trans. from the French by Terence
Kilmartin (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1968), p. 145. The conversation
took place sometime in 1958.
(2)
CAD, Vol. 8, pp. 543–546, 722-723 (emphasis
added).
(3)
Ibid., pp. 551, 781.
(4)
For an analysis of the Rau Committee, see Chitra Sinha,
“Hindu Code Bill (1942–1956) and Feminist Consciousness in Bombay,”
unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of History, Mumbai
University, 2003.
(5)
See, for example, Bina Agarwal, “A Bill of Her Own?”
New Indian Express, 23
December 2004.
(6)
Ambedkar’s speeches on the bill are reprinted in Valerian
Rodrigues, ed., The Essential Writings of B.
R. Ambedkar: (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2002), pp. 495–516.
(7)
Dhananjay Keer, Dr. Ambedkar::
Life and Mission, 3rd ed. (1971, reprint Bombay:
Popular Prakashan, 1995), p. 417.
(8)
The correspondence between Prasad and Nehru has been
reproduced in SPC, Vol. 6, pp. 399–404.
(9)
SPC, Vol. 9, pp. 109–111.
(10)
This account of the All India Anti-Hindu-Code Bill
Committee is based on the reports and documents in Subject File No.
106, D. P. Mishra Papers, Third and Fourth Instalments,
NMML.
(11)
J. D. M. Derrett, Hindu Law Past
and Present (Calcutta: A. Mukerjee, 1957), pp. 69-70.
For a sampling of the conservative legal opposition to the code, see
K. S. Hajela, “The Draft Hindu Code, Its Exposition, Comment, and
Criticism,” All India Reporter
(Journal), 1949, pp. 64–67. For a modernist view, see
Lahar Singh Metra, “Some Implications of the Hindu Code Bill, 1948,”
All India Reporter (Journal),
1950, pp. 26–29.
(12)
The debates on the Hindu Code in the Provisional
Parliament are reproduced in Vasant Moon, ed. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and
Speeches, Vol. 14 (Bombay: Government of Maharashtra,
1995).
(13)
See Files 422, 423, 424. and 430, Delhi Police Records,
Ninth Instalment, NMML.
(14)
Rajendra Prasad to Nehru, 15 September 1951, copy in
Subject File No. 189, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(15)
Nehru to Rajendra Prasad, 15 September 1951; secret note
to cabinet by Nehru, dated 25 September 1951, both in Subject File
No. 46, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(16)
Derrett, Hindu Law,
p. 71.
(17)
The text of Ambedkar’s resignation speech was reproduced
in the Hindustan Times, 12
October 1951. See also Vasant Moon, ed., Dr. Babasaheh Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol.
15 (Mumbai: Government of Maharashtra, 1997), pp.
825–828.
(18)
See File 127, Delhi Police Records, Sixth Instalment,
NMML.
(19)
See statement by law minister, Lok Sabha Debates, 26 April
1955.
(20)
The most significant of Nehru’s parliamentary
interventions on the subject are collected in Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches, Vol. 3,
March 1953–August 1957 (New
Delhi: Publications Division, n.d.), pp. 438–454. Section entitled
“Changing Hindu Society.”
(21)
Nehru to K. N. Katju, 13 June 1954; and to R.
Venkataraman, 30 September 1954, in S. Gopal, ed., Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru (New
Delhi: Nehru Memorial Fund), Second Series, Vol. 26, pp. 173,
180.
(22)
See, for example, the speeches of K. C. Sharma, B. D.
Shastri, and Nand Lal Sharma, Lok Sabha
Debates, 29 April, 2 May, and 13 December 1955
respectively; speech of H. C. Mathur, Rajya
Sabha Debates, 11 December
1954.
(23)
Rajya Sabha
Debates, 9 December
1954.
(24)
Interventions of Seeta Parmanand and M. P. N. Sinha,
Rajya Sabha Debates, 8 and 6
December 1954. To placate the orthodox, the law minister changed the
title of the bill from the Hindu Marriage and Divorce Bill to the
Hindu Marriage Bill. This was done to put the accent “not on the
dissolution of marriage” but on the “maintenance of marriage [which]
is more important” (Lok Sabha
Debates, 26 April 1955). The change, needless to say,
was cosmetic.
(25)
Lok Sabha Debates, 29
April 1955. Others opposed the clause not out of logic, but out of
envy. As S. Mahanty sourly noted, “it makes a discrimination in
favour of the Muslims who may marry four wives under the Shariat law
and not incur any of the offences under this Act” (Rajya Sabha Debates, 6 December
1954).
(26)
Lok Sabha Debates, 2
May 1955.
(27)
Ibid., 26 and 29 April 1955.
(28)
Intervention by H. J. Khandekar, ibid., 29
April 1955.
(29)
Ibid., 29 April 1955; Rajya
Sabha Debates, 8 December
1954.
(30)
Intervention by M. Muhammad Ismail, Rajya Sabha Debates, 11 December
1954.
(31)
Lok Sabha Debates,
29 April 1955.
(32)
Intervention by Nand Lai Sharma, ibid., 13 December
1955.
(33)
Ibid., 13 December 1955.
(34)
Intervention by S. S. More, ibid., 2 May
1955.
(35)
Marc Galanter, Law and Society in
Modern India, ed. Rajeev Dhavan (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1997), p. 29; J. D. M. Derrett, Religion, Law, and the State in India
(London: Faber and Faber, 1968), p. 326.
(36)
See Rajya Sabha
Debates, 11 December 1954, where Dr. P. Subbarayan
gave his “special meed of tribute to Dr. Ambedkar who is not here
but who laboured hard to push through the Hindu Code before the last
Parliament but circumstances did not permit of this measure going
through.”
(37)
Lok Sabha Debates, 6
December 1956.
(38)
For a fine discussion of these questions, see Lotika
Sarkar, “Jawaharlal Nehru and the Hindu Code Bill,” in B. R. Nanda,
ed., Indian Women: From Purdah to
Modernity (New Delhi: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library, 1976).
(39)
Quoted in D. E. Smith, India as a
Secular State (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University
Press, 1963), p. 290.
(40)
See Parliamentary
Debates, 17 September 1951, excerpted in Eminent Parliamentarians Monograph Series: Dr.
Syama Prasad Mookerjee (New Delhi: Lok Sabha
Secretariat, 1990), pp. 82f.
(41)
On the workings of the new laws in the several decades
they have been in operation, see J. D. M. Derrett, A Critique of Modern Hindu Law (Bombay:
N. M. Tripathi, 1970); Satyajeet A. Desai, Mulla’s Principles of Hindu Law, 18th ed. (New
Delhi: Butterworths India, 2001). The caveat “somewhat” is in
deference to feminist arguments that while the new bills removed
many of the disabilities suffered by Hindu women, they did not
bestow “radical equality.” See Archana Parashar, Women and Family Law Reform in India
(New Delhi: Sage, 1992), pp. 79–134.
الفصل الثاني عشر: تأمين وضع كشمير
(1)
Gupta, Kashmir, p.
365.
(2)
See Brecher, The Struggle for
Kashmir, p. 111.
(3)
Lionel Fielden, “India Revisited: Indo-Pak Problems,”
Indian Review, May
1950.
(4)
Note by Nehru on Kashmir, dated 9 January 1951, in
Subject File No. 62, C. Rajagopalachari papers. Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(5)
See Jawaharlal Nehru Correspondence,
Vijayalakshmi Pandit Papers, NMML.
(6)
Cable to Stare Deparment by Henderson, quoted in
Bhattacharjea, Kashmir,
pp. 196-197.
(7)
See Abdullah to Gopalaswami Ayyangar, dared 16 January
1951; and note on file by the latter, both in Subject File No. 62,
C. Rajagopalachari papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(8)
See Balraj Puri, “Leaderlessness of Jammu” (March 1950),
in Jammu—A Clue to the Kashmir
Tangle (Delhi: Author, 1966), pp.
20–23.
(9)
Baburao Patel, Burning
Words, pp. 147-148.
(10)
The sheikh’s speech is printed in extenso in Gupta,
Kashmir,
pp. 367–370.
(11)
Prem Nath Bazaz, The History of
Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, Cultural and Political: From
the Earliest Times to the Present Day (New Delhi:
Kashmir Publishing, 1954), pp. 569–571.
(12)
Ian Stephens, Horned Moon: An
Account of a Journey through Pakistan, Kashmir, and
Afghanistan (London: Chatto and Windus, 1953), pp.
212-213. From Stephens’s book we learn that he was in the Valley in
April 1952—exact dates are not given, so we can’t say whether he
talked to the sheikh before or after the speech at Ranbirsinghpura.
The speech had also hinted that perhaps Kashmir’s place in India was
“unnatural.” This might have been a coincidence in thinking. On the
other hand, if Abdullah met Stephens before Ranbirsinghpura, his speech might very well
have been influenced by someone who cynically saw “an anti-Muslim
substructure” in “Pandit Nehru’s new secular Republic” (Horned Moon,
p. 267).
(13)
Gupta, Kashmir, pp.
371-372.
(14)
Speeches of 11 and 19 August 1952, copies in Subject File
No. 4, Y. D. Gundevia Papers, NMML.
(15)
See Daniel Thorner, “The Kashmir Land Reforms: Some
Personal Impressions,” EW, 12 September 1953.
(16)
See Richard L. Park, “India Argues with Kashmir,”
Far Eastern Survey, 2 July
1952.
(17)
See Eminent
Parliamentarians …, pp. 18-19,
109–123.
(18)
Balraj Madhok, Portrait of a
Martyt: Biography of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjt
(Bombay: Jaico, 1969), pp. 159–161.
(19)
Karan Singh, Autobiography (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1989), pp. 149-150.
(20)
Current, 10 and 24
December 1952.
(21)
The letters between Mookerjee on the one side and Nehru
and Abdullah on the other were later published by the Jana Sangh in
Integrate Kashmir: Mookerjee-Nehru and
Abdullah Correspondence (Lucknow: Bharat,
1953).
(22)
See File Nos. 12, 127, and 164, Delhi Police Records,
Eighth Instalment, NMML.
(23)
Current, 26 August
1953.
(24)
Quoted in Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2, p. 131, fn,
65.
(25)
For a contemporary interpretation along these lines, see
Sadiq Ali and Madhu Limaye, Report on
Kashmir (New Delhi: Praja Socialist Parry, 1953).
According to this report, the sheikh “was often heard to remark in
his private talks that if Jammu wanted to go out of Kashmir it was
welcome to do so; in fact it would be good riddance. Its merger in
India would serve just the purpose he had in view, namely an
Independent Kashmir” (p. 5).
(26)
Madhok, Portrait of a
Martyr, pp. 147–165.
(27)
See correspondence between Mookerjee and C.
Raiagopalachari in Subject File No. 124, Rajagopalachari Papers,
Fifth Instalment, NMML.
(28)
Madhok, Portait of a
Martyr, pp. 240–242.
(29)
Letter of 2 July to C. Rajagopalachari, Subject File No.
123, Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(30)
Current, 1 July
1953.
(31)
See File 164, Delhi Police Records, Eighth Instalment,
NMML.
(32)
See reports and correspondence, File 166, Delhi Police
Records, Ninth Instalment, NMML.
(33)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2,
pp. 130-131. Nehru’s letters to Abdullah are also excerpted
here.
(34)
Nehru to Rajagopalachari, 31 July 1953, Subject File
No. 123, Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(35)
See B. N. Mullik, My Years with
Nehru: Kashmir (Bombay: Allied, 1971), ch.
3.
(36)
Current, 26 August
1953. Three years later, a copy of the Eid speech that Abdullah was
to have made surfaced. This did not call directly for independence,
but it reopened the question of accession to India, and also, for
the first time, asked that Pakistan be made a party to the dispute.
See Mridula Sarabhai, ed. Sheikh-Sadiq
Correspondence, August to October 1956 (New Delhi:
privately printed, 1956), App, 1, “Id
Speech.”
(37)
Karan Singh, Autobiography, pp. 156–164.
(38)
See reports in File No. 73, Delhi Police Records, Sixth
Instalment, NMML.
(39)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 2,
pp. 132-133; Mullik, My Years with Nehru:
Kashmir, pp. 42–47.
(40)
P. N. Kaula and K. L. Dhar, Kashmir Speaks (Delhi: S. Chand, 1950), pp. 189-190.
An American journalist wrote of the Bakshi that he was a “realist [who] can run a party
machine and keep its joints oiled,” adding that he seemed to be “con
stituted chiefly of iron or steel” (Sheean, Nehru, pp. 109-110). This likewise brings Patel to
mind, not least because he was known as the “Iron Man of
India.”
(41)
Hindu, 25 August
1953, 14 and 29 September 1953.
(42)
Current, 31 March,
25 August, and 6 October 1954; and 12 October
1955.
(43)
Current, 14 November
1955. See also Sheikh Abdullah, Flames of
the Chinar: An Autobiography, abridged and trans.
from Urdu by Khushwant Singh (New Delhi: Penguin India, 1993), ch.
18.
(44)
See File No. 73, Delhi Police Records, Sixth Instalment.
NMML.
(45)
General Roy Bucher to C. Rajagopalachari, 14 August 1953,
in Subject File No. 124, Fifth Instalment, Rajagopalachari Papers,
NMML.
(46)
Bhattacharjea, Kashmir, p. 205.
(47)
See Spratt’s unsigned column “The World This
Week,” Myslndia, 13 July,
3 and 17 August, and 9 November 1952.
الفصل الثالث عشر: مشاكل قَبَلِيَّة
(1)
This account of the early years of the Naga National
Council is based on Mildred Archer, “Journal of a Stay in the Naga
Hills, 9 July to 4 December 1947,” MSS. Eur. F. 236/362 (hereafter
cited as Archer, “Journal”). The wife of the last deputy
commissioner in the Naga Hills, W. G. Archer, she had interviewed a
cross section of the NNC membership and also collected their
journal. She was herself to become, in later years, an authority on
British art in India.
(2)
Charles Chasie, The Naga
imbroglio (Kohima: Standard, 1999),
pp. 33–36.
(3)
The Crown Colony scheme is discussed in a forthcoming
book by Professor David Syiemlieh of the North-Eastern Hill
University, Shillong.
(4)
A. R. H. Macdonald to P. F. Adams (secretary to
the governor of Assam), dated 23 March 1947, copy in MSS.
Eur. F. 236/76, OIOC.
(5)
See A. Z. Phizo, The Fate of the
Naga People: Art Appeal to the World (London: Author,
July I960).
(6)
CWMG, Vol. 88, pp. 373-374. The context makes it clear
that Gandhi was against the Nagas’ using guns and tanks, though of
course he would also have opposed the Indian Army’s using
them.
(7)
See J. H. Hutton, The Angami
Nagas (London: Macmillan, 1921), p. 11 and
passim.
(8)
Archer, “Journal,” 30 August 1947. The invocation of God,
and the recourse to American heroes, were a consequence of the deep
influence on the Nagas of the Baptist missionaries who had converted
them.
(9)
Ibid., 27 September and 23 August
1947.
(10)
CAD, Vol. 4, pp. 947-948.
(11)
Useful studies of the tribal predicament include G. S.
Ghurye, The Scheduled Tribes
(Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1959), first published under a different
title in 1943; C. von Furer Haimendorf, Tribes of India: The Struggle for Survival
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982); Verrier Elwin,
The Tribal World of Verrier Elwin: An
Autobiography (Bombay: Oxford University Press,
1964); and K. S. Singh, Tribal Society in
India (New Delhi: Manohar, 1985). See also Andre
Beteille, “The Concept of Tribe with Special Reference to India,” in
Society and Politics in India: Essays in
a Comparative Perspective (London: Athlone,
1991).
(12)
See Agapit Tirkey, Jharkhand
Movement: A Study of Its Dynamics (New Delhi: Other
Media Communications, 2002), ch. 2.
(13)
Memorandum dated 1 May 1947, in Subject File No. 37, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(14)
For Jaipal’s speech, see Ram Dayal Munda and S. Bosu
Mullick, eds., The Jharkhand Movement:
Indigenous Peoples’ Struggle for Autonomy in India
(Copenhagen: LWGIA, 2003), pp. 2–14.
(15)
This paragraph is based on an anonymous three-part report
on the Naga situation in Current,
4, 11, and 18 July 1956; and on Nirmal Nibedon, Nagaland: The Night of the Guerrillas
(New Delhi: Lancers, 1983), pp. 24-25.
(16)
Letter to Jairamdas Daulatram, governor of Assam, dated
11 December 1950, in Subject File No. 188, C. Rajagopalachari
Papers, Fifth Instalment, NMML.
(17)
A. Lanunungsang Ao, From Phizo to
Muivah: The Naga National Question in North-East
India (New Delhi: Mittal, 2002), pp.
48-49.
(18)
“No Independence for Nagas: Plain Speaking by Mr.
Nehru,” TOI, 1 January 1952.
(19)
“Demand for Naga State: Delegation Meets Nehru,” TOI,
12 February 1952.
(20)
Report by Krishnalal Shridharani in Current, 19 March
1952.
(21)
“The Tribal Folk,” in Jawaharlal
Nehru’s Speeches, Vol. 2 (New Delhi: Publications
Division, 1954), pp. 576f.
(22)
Nehru to C. Rajagopalachari, 26 October 1952, in Subject
File No. 107, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(23)
The report on the NEFA tour is reprinted in LCM, Vol. 4,
pp. 147–165.
(24)
NNC letter of 24 October 1952, quoted in Current, 15 April
1953.
(25)
Coba, Savaging the
Civilized, p. 285.
(26)
Archer, “Journal,” lOJuly 1947.
(27)
Arthur Swinson, quoted in Nibedon, Nagaland, p. 26.
(28)
Asoso Yonuo, The Rising Nagas:
A Historical and Political Study (Delhi: Vivek,
1974), pp. 210–213.
(29)
This account of the rift between Phizo and Sakhrie is
based on Nibedon, Nagaland, pp.
57–68.
(30)
Ibid., pp. 80–82.
(31)
Lieutenant General S. P. P. Thorat, From Reveille to Retreat (New Delhi:
Allied, 1986), ch. 15, “The Nagas.” As the commanding officer of the
Eastern Command, General Thorat was in charge of operations against
the rebels.
(32)
See clippings in MSS. Eur. F. 158/239,
OIOC.
(33)
Dr. S. R. S. Laing to Charles Pawsey, letters of? June
1956 and 13 August 1956, in Box 1, Pawsey Papers, Centre for South
Asian Studies, University of Cambridge.
(34)
Lok Sabha Debates,
23 August 1956.
(35)
India News, 8 December
1956; Manchester Guardian, 18
December 1956; both in MSS. Eur. F. 158/239,
OIOC.
(36)
Ignes Kujur, “Jharkhand Betrayed,” in Munda and Bosu
Mullick, The Jharkhand Movement,
pp. 16ff.
(37)
Lok Sabha Debates,
22 November 1954; Current, 16
February 1955.
(38)
Letter of 9 March 1955, in T. T. Krishnamachari Papers,
NMML.
(39)
Nehru to Bishnuram Medhi, 13 May 1956, reprinted as App.
7 in Udayon Misra, The Periphery Strikes
Back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam and
Nagaland (Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study,
200), pp. 203-204.
الجزء الثالث: خَلْخَلَة الوسط
الفصل الرابع عشر: التَّحَدِّي الجَنوبي
(1)
Report on the Second General
Elections in India. 1957 (New Delhi: Election
Commission, 1958).
(2)
Feroze Gandhi was also from the Nehrus’ hometown,
Allahabad. A Parsi by faith, he at first spelled his surname
“Ghandy.” However, after he joined the national movement as a young
man, he changed the spelling to bring it in line with that of
Mahatma Gandhi. The amended surname proved to be of incalculable
significance to his wife, because most foreigners, and not a few
Indians, assumed that she was in some way related to the
Mahatma.
(3)
See Katherine Frank, Indira: A
Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi (London: Harper-Collins,
2001), pp. 240-241.
(4)
Indira Gandhi to Brijkrishna Chandiwala, 11 November
1957, Chandiwala Papers, NMML.
(5)
Nehru to Vijayalakshmi Pandit, 12 March 1957,
quoted in Nayantara Sahgal, Indira
Gandhi: Her Road to Power (New York:
Frederick Ungar, 1982), pp. 1-2.
(6)
The data in this and the subsequent paragraphs are
chiefly derived from the excellent statistical supplement on Indian
elections printed as an appendix to Journal
of the Indian School of Political Economy, Vol. 15,
Nos. 1 and 2, 2003.
(7)
For the rise of the DMK in the 1950s, see Marguerite Ross
Barnett, The Politics of Cultural
Nationalism in South India (Princeton,
N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1976).
(8)
The social history of modern Kerala has been treated with
authority and insight in several books by Robin Jeffrey. See
specially The Decline of Nair
Dominance, 2nd ed. (New Delhi: Manohar, 2003),
originally published 1975 and Politics,
Women, and Well-Being: How Kerala Became a “Model”
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992).
(9)
See Dilip M. Menon, Caste,
Nationalism, and Communism in South India: Malabar,
1900–1948 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1994).
(10)
Khrushchev, quoted in Communist
Double Talk at Palghat (Bombay: Democratic
Research.Service, 1956), p. 112.
(11)
“Communist Manifesto for Stable Government,
Prosperous Kerala,” quoted in Victor M. Fic, Kerala: Yenan of India (Bombay:
Nachiketa, 1970), pp. 68-69.
(12)
Like Abdullah, Phizo, and others, EMS has yet to find a
serious biographer.
(13)
E. M. S. Namboodiripad, Twenty-Eight Months in Kerala (New Delhi: People’s
Publishing House, 1959), especially pp. 5-6,
22-23.
(14)
P. N. Sampath, “Red Government in Kerala,” Indian Review, July
1957.
(15)
Current, 8 May 1957.
Krishna Iyer was actually an Independent member of the Kerala
legislature, a fellow-traveller rather than a card-carrying
communist. He was later a judge on the Supreme
Court.
(16)
Herring, Land to the
Tiller, p. 163.
(17)
This paragraph draws on Herring, Land to the Tiller, ch. 6; and
T. J. Nossiter, Communism in Kerala: A Study
in Political Adaptation (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1982), pp. 149–157.
(18)
Current, 24 April
1957.
(19)
Anon., “Letter from Kerala: Bloodsuckers Still Thrive,”
EW, 19 April 1958.
(20)
Ibid.
(21)
Kerala Mail,
quoted in Current, 28
August 1957.
(22)
George Mikes, East Is
East (London: Andre Deursch, 1958), p.
153.
(23)
For a useful summary, see S. C. Joseph, Kerala: The “Communist” State (Madras:
Madras Premier, 1959), ch. 8.
(24)
See Anon., “Who Supported the Communists in Kerala? An
Analysis of the 1957 Election Results,” EW, I August 1959.
(25)
See “Kerala Letter: Co-Existence in
Peril,” EW, Special No., July 1959. It is not
clear whether these excerpts were originally in
English or are translated here from the Malayalam.
(26)
Rajni Korhari, “Kerala: A Post-Mortem,” EW, 28 November
1959.
(27)
“Kerala Letter: Congress Misalliance with the Congress
Church,” EW, Annual No., January 1958.
(28)
Nossiter, Communism in
Kerala, p. 145.
(29)
“Red Rule in Kerala,” statements by E. M. S.
Namboodiripad and Panampilli Govinda Menon, Illustrated Weekly of India, 25 January 1959.
(30)
Kamla Chopra, “Indira Gandhi: A Profile,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 22
February 1959.
(31)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
3, p. 66.
(32)
Profiles of Mannath in Illustrated Weekly of India, 28 June 1959 and in
Current, 16 September 1959;
Anon., The Agitation in Kerala
(Trivandrum: Department of Public Relations, 1959), pp.
9–12.
(33)
W. H. Morris-Jones, “India’s Political Idioms,” in C. H.
Philips, ed., Politics and Society in
India (London: George Allen and Unwin,
1963).
(34)
For a good description of the protests, see George
Woodcock, Kerala: A Portrait of the Malabar
Coast (London: Faber and Faber, 1967), pp.
270ff.
(35)
See the letters from Nehru to the prominent Kerala
congressman R. Sankar, quoted in Robin Jeffrey, “Jawaharlal Nehru
and the Smoking Gun: Who Pulled the Trigger on Kerala’s Commmunist
Government in 1959?” Journal of Commonwealth
and Comparative Politics, Vol. 29, No. 1,
1991.
(36)
See Gopal, Nehru,
Vol. 3, p. 68.
(37)
Quoted in “Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s Election,” undated,
unsigned typescript in Pupul Jayakar Papers, held by Mrs. Radhika
Herzberger (emphasis supplied). See also Statesman, 27 July 1959.
(38)
Kannikara Padmanabha Pillai, The
Red Interlude in Kerala (Trivandrum: Kerala Pradesh
Congress Commmittee, 1959), pp. 183ff.
(39)
Woodcock, Kerala, p.
272.
(40)
Nehru to Namboodiripad, 30 July 1959, quoted in Gopal,
Nehru, Vol. 3, pp.
71-72.
(41)
See K. P. Bhagat, The Kerala Mid
Term Election of 1960 (Bombay: Popular Book Depot,
1962).
(42)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol.
3, p. 73.
(43)
See correspondence and papers in Subject File No. 34, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth Instalment,
NMML.
(44)
The article is reprinted in C. Rajagopalachari, Satyam Eva Jayate (The Truth Alone
Shall Triumph), Vol. 1 (Madras: Bharathan, 1961), pp. 149–153. See
also “Rajaji on Need for Strong Opposition,” Swarajya, 9 March 1957.
(45)
C. Rajagopalachari, “Some Thoughts on the Budget,”
Current, 17 August
1957.
(46)
See “Statement of Principles of the Swatantra Party,” EW,
Special No. July 1959, p. 894.
(47)
C. Rajagopalachari, “The Case for the Swatantra Party,”
Illustrated Weekly of
India, 16 August 1959.
(48)
See H. L. Erdman, The Swatantra
Party and Indian Conservatism (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1967).
(49)
Gopal, Nehru, Vol. 3,
p. 120.
(50)
See Tarim Kumar Mukhopadhyaya, Feroze Gandhi: A Crusader in Parliament (New Delhi:
Allied, 1992), pp. 109–123.
(51)
For a useful summary of the controversy, see M. C.
Chagla, Roses in December: An
Autobiography (1973, rev. ed. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan, 1994), pp. 203–211. Justice Chagla headed one of the
commissions; Justice Vivian Bose the other. But see also A. D.
Gorwala, The Lies of T. T. K.
(Bombay: R. V. Pandit, 1959).
(52)
Quoted in Motilal C. Setalvad, My
Life: Law and Other Things (Bombay: N. M. Tripathi,
1970), p. 282.
الفصل الخامس عشر: تجربة الهزيمة
(1)
George N. Patterson, Tragic
Destiny (London: Faber and Faber, 1959), p.
187.
(2)
“Record of Prime Minister’s Talk with Dalai Lama” (24
April 1959), in File 9, Subimal Dutt Papers,
NMML.
(3)
See Ramesh Sanghvi, India’s
Northern Frontier and China (Bombay: Contemporary,
1962), pp. 1-2.
(4)
Notes, Memoranda, and Letters
Exchanged and Signed between the Governments of India and China,
1954–1959 (New Delhi: Ministry of External Affairs,
1959), pp. 26-27, 46. This was the first of nine similarly titled
White Papers issued by the government of India between 1959 and
1962, subsequently referred to here as WP I, WP II, etc. Unless
otherwise stated, the rest of this section is based on the notes and
correspondence in this first White Paper.
(5)
Schram, Mao Tse-tung
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1966),
p. 282.
(6)
George N. Patterson, Peking
versus Delhi (London: Faber and Faber, 1963), pp.
162-163.
(7)
For JP’s views see The Tragedy of
Tibet: Speeches and Statements of Jayaprakash Narayan
(New Delhi: Afro-Asian Committee on Tiber, 1959); for the Jana
Sangh’s position, see “India’s Stake in Tibet’s Freedom,” Organiser, 27 April 1959, reprinted in
Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya, Political
Diary (Bombay: Jaico, 1968), pp.
97–101.
(8)
See Subject File No. 16, Thimayya Papers,
NMML.
(9)
He was the first, and remains the only, Indian military
man to be the subject of a biography by a western author: Humphrey
Evans, Thimayya of India (New
York: Harcourt, Brace, 1960).
(10)
Lall, Emergence of Modern
India, p. 119.
(11)
See Wells Hangen, After Nehru,
Who? (London: Rupert Harr-Davis, 1963), ch. 9. Kaul’s
alleged closeness to Nehru is also extensively mentioned in his
memoirs; Kaul claims that he was a confidant of and sounding board
for the prime minister. See Lieutenant General B. M. Kaul, The Untold Story (Bombay: Allied,
1967), pp. ix-x, 81-82, 86 fn., 87, 97, 114, 118,
etc.
(12)
Major General D. K. Palit, War
in High Himalaya (New Delhi: Lancer International,
1991), p. 76.
(13)
See Thimayya to Nehru, letters of 31 August and 3
September 1959, Thimayya Papers, NMML.
(14)
Press Clippings File No. 16, Thimayya Papers. This file
has a cover note, almost certainly in the general’s own hand,
summarizing its contents: “If a poll was to be taken outside
Parliament, opinion both inside and outside would have found favour
with Thimayya”
(15)
Letters of Ashutosh Lahiri and Sheodatt, Subject File No.
15, Thimayya Papers.
(16)
H. V. Kamath, “The Sino-Indian Border Dispute,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 18 October
1959.
(17)
Current, 14 and 28
October 1959.
(18)
Shiva Rao to Nehru, 3 December 1959, B. Shiva Rao
Papers, NMML.
(19)
Chou to Nehru, 8 September 1959; and Nehru to Chou, 26
September 1959, in WP II, pp. 27–46.
(20)
The “forward policy” is described in the memoirs of one
of its chief architects: B. N. Mullik, My
Years with Nehru: The Chinese Betrayal (Bombay:
Allied, 1971), especially chs. 14 and 19. Mullick was the chief of
the Intelligence Bureau, and privy to most of the crucial decisions
regarding the border dispute.
(21)
Latifi to Nehru, 27 Novemher 1959, copy in Subject File
No. 423, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML. (Emphasis in
original.)
(22)
Quoted in Neville Maxwell, India’s China War (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972) p.
152.
(23)
Hindu, quoted in
Dorothy Woodman, Himalayan
Frontiers (London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1969), p.
245.
(24)
Steven A. Hoffman, India and the
China Crisis (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990),
pp. 67, 73, 82-83, etc. The origins and trajectory of the India-
China dispute are, as one can imagine, the subject of a huge and
very motivated literature. On the one side are various self-serving
memoirs by Indian generals and officials, which seek to blame China
for “betraying” India’s trust. These are collectively answered by
Neville Maxwell’s India’s China
War, a well documented book that, however, sees
everything, big and small, from the Chinese point of view. Hoffman’s
is an admirably detached and comprehensive account of the dispute,
perhaps the best there is.
(25)
Chou to Nehru, letters of 7 November and 17 December
1959; Nehru to Chou, letters of 16 November and 21 December 1959, in
WP III, pp. 45–59.
(26)
Owen Lattimore, “India-Tibet-China: Starting Principle
for Frontier Demarcation,” Economic
Weekly, Annual No., January 1960. Steven Hoffman,
India and the China Crisis,
pp. 86-87, explains that Chou’s offer to “barter” could not be
acceptable to India because “it was being asked to accept the
clandestine and forceful seizure of parts of its territory [in the
west], in return for a worthless assurance that another part of the
frontier [in the east] would not be menaced.”
(27)
“Pragmatist,” “The Political Economy of Defence,” EW,
Annual No., January 1960.
(28)
Presidential address of Pitambar Das, in Girja Kumar and
V. K. Arora, eds., Documents on Indian
Affairs, 1960 (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1965),
pp. 22f.
(29)
See Gyanvati Darbar, Portrait
of a President: Letters of
Dr. Rajendra Prasad,
Vol. 2 (New Delhi: Vikas, 1976), pp. 85-86.
(30)
Unless otherwise stated, this and the following
paragraphs are based on reports and comments in Indian Express, 10 March through
27 April 1960.
(31)
Kumar and Arora, Documents, pp. 493-494. The signatories to this
letter included J. B. Kripalani, M. R. Masani, A. B. Vajpayee, and
N. G. Goray.
(32)
Current, 27 April
1960.
(33)
“Record of Talks between Prime Minister of India and
Prime Minister of China, 20 to 25 April 1960,” in Subject File No.
24, P. N. Haksar Papers, First and Second Instalments, NMML. The
transcripts of the talks run to over 100 foolscap
pages.
(34)
Copies of the transcripts of Chou En-lai’s talks with
Desai, Pant, Radhakrishnan, and other leaders are in Subject File
No. 26, P. N. Haksar Papers, First and Second Instalments, NMML.
Desai was right in spirit but not in substance; it was Karl Marx who
sought asylum in the United Kingdom, whereas Lenin lived in exile in
that other bourgeois nation, Switzerland.
(35)
This paragraph is based on Margaret W. Fisher, Leo E.
Rose, and Robert A. Huttenback, Himalayan
Battleground: Sino-lndian Rivalry in Ladakh (London:
Pall Mall, 1963), especially ch. 11.
(36)
The transcripts of the talks are reproduced in App. 11 of
Parshotam Mehra, Negotiating with the
Chinese, 1846–1987 (New Delhi: Reliance,
1989).
(37)
Interview in Look
Magazine, 18 October 1960, reprinted in Edgar Snow, The Other Side of the River: Red China
Today (New York: Random House, 1963), pp.
762-763.
(38)
Nayar, Minority
Politics, especially pp. 248–260; Current, 16 August and 23 August 1961;
correspondence between Nehru, Rajaji, and Tara Singh in Subject File
No. 82, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(39)
Nehru to Jayaprakash Narayan, 10 October 1961,
Brahmanand Papers, NMML.
(40)
See E. N. Mangat Rai, Commitment
My Style (Delhi: Vikas, 1973), ch. 10. For five of
Kairon’s eight years in power, Mangat Rai was his chief
secretary.
(41)
Current, 9 December
1959, 6 January 1960, and 14 September 1963.
(42)
A. G. Noorani, Ministers
Misconduct (Delhi: Vikas, 1973), p.
42.
(43)
Nibedon, Nagaland,
pp. 88–90.
(44)
Phizo, The Fate of the Naga
People.
(45)
See, for example, the clippings in the W. G. Archer
Papers, MSS. Eur. F. 236, OIOC.
(46)
Anon, The Naga Problpm
(New Delhi: Ministry of External Affairs, 1960). As many as 2,000
copies of this pamphlet were printed.
(47)
This memorandum is reproduced in Kumar and Arora,
Documents, pp.
91–95.
(48)
Ibid., pp. 101–105.
(49)
Clipping from Times,
21 September 1962, in MSS. Eur F 158/239,
OIOC.
(50)
See Daniel Thorner, “Ploughing the Plan Under: Ford
Team Report on Food ‘Crisis,’” EW, Special No. July
1959.
(51)
See Report of Non Official
Enquiry Commission on Cachar (Calcutta: N.
Chatterjee, 1961); L. P. Singh, Portrait of
Lai Bahadur Shastri: A Quintessential Gandhian (New
Delhi: Ravi Dayal, 1996), ch. 3.
(52)
Current, 8 March
1961.
(53)
Selig S. Harrison, India: The
Most Dangerous Decades (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton
University Press, 1960).
(54)
See Grover Smith, ed., Letters
of Aldous Huxley (London: Chatto and Windus, 1969),
pp. 926-927.
(55)
Arthur Cook, “Nehru,” Daily
Mail, 20 February 1962.
(56)
For details, see WPs IV, V, and VI,
passim.
(57)
Lok Sabha Debates,
11 April 1961.
(58)
Ibid., 17 August and 28 November 1961, and 14 August
1962.
(59)
Ibid., 5 December 1961.
(60)
P. D. Gaitonde, The Liberation
of Goa: A Participant’s View of History (London: C.
Hurst, 1987), ch. 18; Illustrated Weekly of
India, Special Issue, 18 February 1962; D. R.
Mankekar, The Goa Action (Bombay:
Popular Book Depot, 1962).
(61)
See clippings and papers in File No. 8, Box XVI. 18,
Richard B. Russell Papers, University of Georgia, Athens; File No.
29, Penderel Moon Papers, OIOC (MSS. Eur. F.
230/29).
(62)
New York Times, 18
and 19 December 1961. There is also a suggestion that sections
within the Indian army welcomed the adventure in Goa as an easy
victory. It was, recalled one officer, “light relief from the gloom
and foreboding of the general strategic scene” along the borders
with China. See Major General D. K. Palit, Musings and Memories, Vol. 2 (New Delhi: Lancer,
2004), pp. 411-412.
(63)
My account of the election is based on Aloo J. Dastur,
Menon versus Kripalani: North Bombay
Election, 1962 (Bombay: University of Bombay, 1967);
supplemented by Norman D. Palmer, “The 1962 Election in North
Bombay,” Pacific Affairs, Vol.
30, No. 1, Spring 1963. See also A. D. Gorwala, Krishna Menon: Danger to India (Bombay:
Author, January 1962). The Hindi ditty was supplied by Nitya
Ramakrishnan.
(64)
“Seminarist,” “Issues in the Election,” Seminar, July
1962.
(65)
K. P. Subramania Menon, “The Ramifications”; and
General K. S. Thimayya, ‘Adequate,’ ‘Insurance,’ M Seminar, July 1962. That, even in
retirement, Thimayya was seriously worried about the Chinese threat
is also indicated by a book which he once owned and which is now in
my possession; written by a retired major, it provides a historical
overview of the NEFA region that had become central to the border
conflict. My copy of the book—Major Sitaram Johri, Where India, China, and Burma Meet
(Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, 1962)—has “K. S. Thimayya, 9 Feb 62”
written on its flyleaf; I bought it in a second-hand store in
Bangalore, once the general’s hometown and now
mine.
(66)
As the spark that set off the Chinese invasion, the
Thag La conflict has been widely written about. My account is based
on, among other sources, Brigadier J. P. Dalvi, Himalayan Blunder (Delhi: Hind Pocket
Books, 1970), chs. 7, 9 to 12; Maxwell, India’s China War, pp. 357ff; and Hoffman, India and the China Crisis, pp.
130ff.
(67)
Hoffman, India and the China
Crisis, p. 149.
(68)
Dalvi, Himalayan
Blunder, pp. 262-263.
(69)
New York Times, 21
October 1962.
(70)
Ibid., 24 Octoher 1962.
(71)
Dalvi, Himalayan
Blunder, pp. 80-81.
(72)
Chou to Nehru, 24 October and 4 November 1962; Nehru to
Chou, 27 October and 14 November 1962; printed with enclosures in WP
VIII, pp. 1–17.
(73)
John Kenneth Galbraith, Ambassador’s Journal: A Personal Account of the Kennedy
Years (Boston, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin, 1969), p.
385.
(74)
New York Times, 28
and 30 October 1962.
(75)
Lok Sabha Debates, 8
to 14 November 1962. In his closing speech, Nehru deplored the
violence against Chinese shopkeepers in New Delhi, which “brutalises
us and gives us a bad name.” Like his mentor, Gandhi, he knew how
easily nationalism could shade into jingoism. To take revenge on
innocent shopkeepers was deeply wrong-headed, for “we should always
distinguish between governmental action and the people as a
whole.”
(76)
The Walong battle is vividly described in G. S. Bhargava,
The Battle for NEFA (Bombay:
Allied, 1964), ch. 5.
(77)
Hoffman, India and the China
Crisis, pp. 180-181.
(78)
Maxwell, India’s China
War, pp. 398ff. In his memoirs, Kaul argues that Se
La was a well-positioned and well-fortified garrison that could have
held out for a week or more; he blames its fall and the flight of
the troops on the failure of nerve of the man in charge, Major
General A. S. Pathania. See Kaul, The Untold
Story, pp. 413ff.
(79)
As recalled in B. G. Verghese, “Unfinished Business in
the Norrh-East,” Mainstream, 15
June 2002.
(80)
A. M. Rosenthal, “War Fever in India,” New York Times, 3 November
1962.
(81)
D. R. Mankekar, The Guilty Men
of 1962 (Bombay: Tuisi Shah, 1968), pp.
88–90.
(82)
Woodman, Himalayan
Frontiers, p. 293.
(83)
Maxwell, India’s China
War, p. 465.
(84)
Palit, War in High
Himalaya, pp. 225, 231.
(85)
Quoted in Snow, Other Side of
the River, pp. 761-762. (Emphasis
added.)
(86)
Allen Ginsberg, Indian
Journals: March 1962–May 1963 (San Francisco,
Calif.: City Lights, 1970), p. 50.
الفصل السادس عشر: السلام في زمننا
(1)
John Kenneth Galbraith, Ambassador’s Journal (Boston, Mass.:
Houghton Mifflin, 1969), pp. 405–412.
(2)
Robert Sherrod, “Nehru; The Great Awakening,” Saturday Evening Post, 19 January
1963.
(3)
Galbraith to Kennedy, 29 January 1963, copy in
Dean Rusk Papers, University of Georgia, Athens. Was it the
economist in Galbraith that made him identify China rather
than Russia as the greater long-term threat to American
interests?
(4)
See Richard Parker, John Kenneth
Galbraith: His Life, His Politics. His Economics (New
York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), p.
400.
(5)
See clippings in Files 9 and 10, Box XVI. 18, Richard
B. Russell Papers, University of Georgia, Athens. The rest of this
section is likewise based on material in these
files.
(6)
There was also a letter, too crazy, perhaps, to quote in
the text, which urged a cheaper method of disposing of the Chinese
threat than arming the Indians. S. B. Crowe of Sanford, Florida,
recommended that the Americans drop boxes of atomic waste, each with
an explosive charge, on the Chinese side of the Himalaya. The
communists would be told of this, so that they would “stay out of
Tibet and India.” However, “if Mao wishes to conduct an experiment
in genetics and send 150 million through this radiation hazard, it
would be an interesting experiment.” Estimating that this would save
the American taxpayer “about a billion dollars,” Mr. Crowe signed
off as follows: “Yours for more economy in Government. The barrel
isn’t bottomless, inspite of Mr. Keynes and his
theories.”
(7)
“Transcript of Prime Minister’s Press Conference held on
June 15, 1963, in New Delhi,” issued by Press Information Bureau,
Government of India; copy in Subject File No. 189, P. N. Haksar
Papers, Third Instalment, NMML. See also Statesman, 16 June 1963.
(8)
See Stanley Kochanek, The
Congress Party of India; The Dynamics of One-Party
Democracy (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University
Press, 1968), pp. 79ff.
(9)
Ibid., pp. 78–80.
(10)
H. V. Kamath, Last Days of
Jawaharlal Nehru (Calcutta: Jayashree Prakashan,
1977), pp. 1-2.
(11)
Wells Hangen, After Nehru,
Who? (London: Rupert Hart-Davis,
1963).
(12)
These quotes are from an article by Tom Stacey,
originally published in the Sunday
Times of London, and reprinted under a different
title in Current, 1 January 1964.
(13)
Indira Gandhi to Mridula Sarabhai, 4 September 1963,
Reel No. 57, Mridula Sarabhai Papers, on microfilm,
NMML.
(14)
See Kanji Dwarkadas to Lord Scarborough, 16 January
1964, MSS. Eur. F. 253/53 (Lord Lumley Papers),
OIOC.
(15)
For the different ways the creation of the state was
received, see P. N. Luthra, Nagaland: From a
District to a State (Shillong: Directorate of
Information and Public Relations, 1974), pp. 1–16; A. Lanunungsang
Ao, From Phizo to Muivah: The Naga National
Question in North-East India (New Delhi: Mittal), pp.
81-82.
(16)
Currrent. 4 January
1964.
(17)
Ibid. 20 April 1963.
(18)
C. P. Srivastava, Lal Bahadur
Shastri: A Life of Truth in Politics (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1995), pp. 71–74; Rajeshwar Prasad, Days with Lal Bahadur Shastri: Glimpses from the
Last Seven Years (New Delhi: Allied, 1991), pp.
27–29.
(19)
Mountbatten’s conversations with Nehru are reported in
the correspondence in Subject File No. 52, T. T. Krishnamachari
Papers, NMML.
(20)
Aparna Basu, Mridula Sarabhai:
Rebel with a Cause (Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1996), ch. 9, “Kashmir”; HT, 9 April 1964.
(21)
Dawn, 18 November
1960.
(22)
Nehru to Vijayalakshmi Pandit, 3 October 1953,
Vijayalakshmi Pandit Papers, NMML.
(23)
Nehru to Tikaram Paliwal, 17 July 1955, in H. Y. Sharada
Prasad and A. K. Damodaran, eds. Selected
Works of Jawaharlal Nehru: Second Series, Vol. 29
(New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, 2001),
pp. 452-453.
(24)
These paragraphs on Abdullah’s release and his
triumphant return to the Valley are based principally on HT, issues
of 6 April to 24 April 1964.
(25)
See letters and papers in Subject File No. 28
(“Indo-Pakistan Conciliation Group”), Brahmanand Papers,
NMML.
(26)
Jayaprakash Narayan, “Our Great Opportunity in
Kashmir,” HT, 20 April 1964.
(27)
C. Rajagopalachari, “Am I Wrong?” Swarajya, 25 April
1964.
(28)
HT, 23 April 1964. In the rest of this section, quotes
not given specific attributions come from this
newspaper.
(29)
Telegram dated 29 April 1964, in Subject File
No. 92, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(30)
Ibid., letter of 29 April 1964. As some other letters in
this file show, most members of the Swatantra party opposed Masani
and Rajaji in their support of the talks between Nehru and Abdullah.
K. M. Munshi said that Sheikh Abdullah should be put back in jail.
Dahyabhai Patel (son of Vallabhbhai Patel) said that the only
solution to the problem of Kashmir was to settle the Valley with
Hindu refugees from East Pakistan.
(31)
Ibid., Abdullah to Minoo Masani, 16 April
1964.
(32)
Ibid., Shastri to Rajaji, 4 May
1964.
(33)
“Kashmir—Talk with Sheikh Abdullah on 8 May 1964, at
PM’s House,” Subject File No. 4, Y. D. Gundevia Papers,
NMML.
(34)
Shiva Rao to Rajaji, 10 May 1964; Rajaji to Shiva
Rao, 12 May 1964; both in Subject File No. 92, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(35)
HT, 23 May 1964.
(36)
Y. D. Gundevia to V. K. T. Chari (attorney-general,
Madras), 13 May 1964, Subject File No. 4, y. D. Gundevia Papers,
NMML. A confederation as a solution to the Kashmir problem was
apparently first proposed by the journalist Arthur Moore as early as
January 1948. Moore believed that “India, Pakistan and Kashmir
should become a federated commonwealth state, with common foreign
affairs, common defence, and such finance as concerned these
subjects, but otherwise all three to be self-governing States.” He
spoke about it to Mahatma Gandhi, and later also appears to have
broached the topic with the prime minister. Moore also wrote about
it in a volume of tributes on Nehru’s seventieth birthday, calling
this issue the “greatest test for Nehru’s statesmanship … [for]
there will never be satisfactory relations between India and
Pakistan till the Kashmir issue is settled.” See Arthur Moore, “My
Friend’s Son,” in Rafiq Zakaria, ed., A
Study of Nehru, 2nd ed. (Bombay: Times of India
Press, 1960; originally published 1959), especially pp. 175-176. It
seems very likely, considering where Moore’s article appeared, that
Nehru had read this essay.
(37)
Letter of 20 May 1964, in Subject File No. 92, C.
Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment, NMML. In Parliament,
Masani was one of the fiercest critics of the prime minister. But,
like his mentor Rajaji, he saw that in progress on Kashmir lay the
future of the subcontinent. On this subject at least he was willing
to support Nehru.
(38)
HT, 25 May 1964. Unless otherwise indicated, the rest
of this section is based on HT, 25 to 30 May
1964.
(39)
Dawn, quoted in HT,
27 May 1964. (Emphasis added.)
(40)
Walter Crocker, Nehru: A
Contemporary’s Estimate (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1966), p. 178.
(41)
S. Gopal gives the matter three paragraphs; Nehru’s more
recent biographer, Judith Brown, allows it one. The recent works on
the Kashmir dispute—for instance those by Schonfield, Bose, and
Ganguly—do nor mention these events at all.
(42)
Romesh Thapar, “Behind the Abdullah Headlines,” EW, 30
May 1964.
(43)
V. K. T. Chari to Y.
D. Gundevia, 16 May 1964, in Subject File No. 4, Y. D. Gundevia
Papers, NMML.
(44)
HT, 26 May 1964.
(45)
Quoted in HT, 29 May 1964.
الفصل السابع عشر: الأقليات
(1)
Austin’s diary entry of 28 May 1968 was published thirty
years later in Hindu, 29 May
1994.
(2)
See correspondence between H. S. Suhrawardy, Chaudhry
Khaliquzzaman, Jawaharlal Nehru, M. A. Jinnah, and M. K. Gandhi,
reprinted in A. G. Noorani, ed., The Muslims
of India: A Documentary Record (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2003), pp. 40–52. See also Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman,
Pathway to Pakistan (Lahore:
Longmans, Green, 1961).
(3)
jawaharlal Nehru to J. R. D. Tata, 23 October 1947;
Tata to Nehru, 4 November 1947, letters in Tata Steel archives,
Jamshedpur.
(4)
Murphy, In the Minds of
Men, pp. 144–147.
(5)
See “You Cannot Ride Two Horses,” in For a United India: Speeches of Sardar
Patel (1949: reprint, New Delhi, Publications
Division, 1982), pp. 49–52; emphasis added.
(6)
“Top secret” letter dated 17 July 1948 from H. V.
R. Iengar, home secretary, to Dr. Tara Chand, education
secretary, in File No. 6/228/48 (“Information Regarding
Government Servants Whose Family Is Still Staying in
Pakistan”), Records of the Archaeological Survey of India,
New Delhi. The rest of this section is based on this file, a
copy of which was kindly passed on to me by Professor
Nayanjyot Lahiri of the University of
Delhi.
(7)
The superintendent was Pandit Madho Sarup Vats. We know
no more of his biography, but Vats is a Punjabi Hindu surname, and
it is possible that his vendetta was influenced by direct or
indirect knowledge of the massacres in the
Punjab.
(8)
Quoted in Farhana Ibrahim, “Defining a Border: Harijan
Migrants and the “State in Kachchh,” Economic and Political Weekly, 16 April
2005.
(9)
Nehru to Patel, 20 February 1950, SPC, Vol. 10, p.
5.
(10)
Nehru’s letters ro Patel, 6 October and 21 November 1947,
SPC, Vol. 4, pp. 362–364, 399–401.
(11)
Letter of 15 October 1947, LCM, Vol. 1, pp.
32-33.
(12)
Ibid., letter of 2 October 1949, pp.
478-479.
(13)
Letters of 29 September 1953 and 15 June 1954, LCM,
Vol. 3, pp. 375-376, 570. (Emphasis added.)
(14)
Speech in Lok Sabha on Azad’s death, reprinted in
Maulana Azad: A Homage (New
Delhi: Publications Division, 1958), pp.
30-31.
(15)
On Muslim support to the Congress in national and state
elections through the 1950s, see Sisir K. Gupta, “Moslems in Indian
Politics, 1947–1960,” India
Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 4,
1962.
(16)
Saif Faiz Badruddin Tyabji, The
Future of Muslims in India (Bombay: Writers’
Emporium, 1956). Tyabji’s forward-looking agenda makes an
interesting contrast with the nostalgic lament of the Lucknow divine
S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, Muslims in
India, trans. (from Urdu) Mohammad Asif Kidwai
(Lucknow: Academy of Islamic Research and Publications, 1961).
Tyabji died shortly after making a speech in the Lok Sabha in 1958;
his death, at age forty, was described to me (by the distinguished
conservationist Zafar Futehally) as “a great tragedy for the Muslims
of India.”
(17)
See reports in File Nos. 78 and 79, Delhi Police
Records, Fifth Instalment, NMML.
(18)
Quoted in W. H. Morris-Jones, Parliament in India (London: Longmans, Green, 1957),
p. 27, fn.
(19)
“Daily Diary” dated 19 February 1954, in File No. 138,
Delhi Police Records, Sixth Instalment, NMML.
(20)
See Noorani, The Muslims of
India, pp. 99-100.
(21)
For details, see Theodore P. Wright, Jr., “The
Effectiveness of Muslim Representation in India,” in D. E. Smith,
ed., South Asian Politics and
Religion (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University
Press, 1966).
(22)
W. C. Smith, Islam in Modern
History (1957, reprint New York, Mentor, 1959), pp.
263-264.
(23)
Ibid., pp. 268–274.
(24)
J. D. Tyson to his family, 9 August 1947, in MSS. Fur.
D. 341/40, OIOC.
(25)
See Farida Abdulla Khan, “Other Communities, Other
Histories: A Study of Muslim Women and Education in Kashmir,” in
Zoya Hasan and Ritu Menon, eds., In a
Minority: Essays on Muslim Women in India (New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 2005).
(26)
See the essays and evidence in M. K. A, Siddiqui,
Muslims in Free India: Their Social
Profile and Problems (New Delhi: Institute of
Objective Studies, 1998).
(27)
Current, 5 September
1956.
(28)
D. E. Smith, India as a Secular
State (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press,
1963), especially pp. 412-413.
(29)
Smith, Islam in Modern
History, p. 267.
(30)
Mushirul Hasan, Legacy of a
Divided Nation: India’s Muslims since Independence
(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), p.
161.
(31)
Taya Zinkin, Challenges in
India (New York: Walker, 1966),
pp. 147ff.
(32)
Mohamed Raza Khan, What Price
Freedom: A Historical Survey of the Political Trends and
Conditions Leading to Independence and the Birth of Pakistan and
After (Madras: Author, 1969), pp.
503f.
(33)
See the studies collected in M. N. Srinivas, ed.,
India’s Villages (1955,
reprint Bombay: Media Promoters and Publishers, 1985), pp. 28-29,
94, 100, etc. See also McKim Marriot, ed., Village India: Studies in the Little Community
(Chicago, III.: University of Chicago Press, 1955), pp. 45, 47, 51,
68, 70–72, etc.
(34)
Vijay Prashad, Untouchable
Freedom: A Social History of a Dalit Community (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp.
156–163.
(35)
Among the autobiographies and memoirs available in
English, see especially Omprakash valmiki joothan: A Dalit’s Life, trans. from Hindi by Arun
Prabha Mukherjee (Kolkata: Samya, 2003); Narendra Jadhav, Outcaste: A Memoir, trans. from Marathi
by the author (New Delhi: Viking, 2003); Vasant Moon, Growing Up Untouchable in India, trans.
from Marathi by Gail Omvedt (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield,
2001); Siddharth Dube, Words Like Freedom:
The Memoirs of an Impoverished Indian Family,
1947–1997 (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1998); and
a pioneering anthology, Arjun Dangle, ed., Poisoned Bread: Translations from Modern Marathi Dalit
Literature (Hyderabad: Orient Longman,
1992).
(36)
Harold R. Isaacs, India’s
Ex-Untouchables (New York: John Day, 1965), pp.
80-81.
(37)
This paragraph is based on the following essays: Lelah
Dushkin, “The Backward Classes: I: Special Treatment Policy; ll:
Removal of Disabilities,” EW, 28 October and 4 Novemher 1961. Lelah
Dushkin, “Backward Caste Benefits and Social Class in India,
1920–1970,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 7 April 1979. See also Marc Galanter,
Competing Equalities: Law and the
Backward Classes in India (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1984).
(38)
Quoted in Owen M. Lynch, The
Politics of Untouchability: Social Mobility and Social Change in
a City of India (New York: Columbia University Press,
1969), p. 89.
(39)
See Bernard S. Cohn, “The Changing Status of a
Depressed Caste,” in Marriot, Village
India, especially pp. 70–72.
(40)
J. Michael Mahar, “Agents of Dharma in a North Indian
Village,” in J. Michael Mahar, ed. The
Untouchables in Contemporary India (Tucson:
University of Arizona Press, 1972), p. 29.
(41)
Isaacs, India’s
Ex-Untouchables, p. 126.
(42)
Dube. Words Like
Freedom, p. 53.
(43)
Lynch, The Politics of
Untouchability, ch. 3 and
passim.
(44)
Nehru to C. Rajagopalachari, letters of 5 May and 25
June 1952, in Subject File No. 123, Rajagopalachari Papers, Fifth
Instalment, NMML.
(45)
Oliver Mendelsohn and Marika Vicziany, The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty, and the
State in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1998), pp. 207-208, 252; Devendra Prasad Sharma, Jagjivan Ram: The Man and His Times
(New Delhi: Indian Book Company, 1974).
(46)
This account of Ambedkar’s last days is based on Vasant
Moon, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar:,
trans. from Marathi by Asha Damle (New Delhi: National Book Trust,
2002), pp. 203–219. The best treatments of Ambedkar’s thought
(including his conversion to Buddhism) are Eleanor Zellior,
Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on Ambedkar
Movement (Delhi: Manohar, 1992); and Jayashree
Gokhale, From Concessions to Confrontation:
The Politics of an Indian Untouchable Community
(Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1993). See also Valerian Rodrigues, ed.,
B. R. Ambedkar: Essential
Writings (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2004).
(47)
Moon, Growing Up
Untouchable, pp. 52, 107–111, 127, 160-161,
etc.
(48)
Valmiki, Joothan,
pp. 71f.
(49)
Jadhav, Outcaste, p.
231.
(50)
Rameshwari Nehru, Gandhi Is My
Star (Patna: Pustak Bhandar, 1950), pp.
11ff.
(51)
Current, 8 February
1956.
(52)
N. D. Kamble, Atrocities
on Scheduled Castes in Post Independent India
(New Delhi: Ashish, 1981), pp. 8–46. Kamble’s sources were
newspaper acccounts in English, Hindi, and Marathi. I have
simplified and summarized his wording.
(53)
Aldous Huxley, Jesting
Pilate: The Diary of a Journey (London:
Chatto and Windus, 1927), pp. 116-117.
(54)
Speech by H. J. Khandekar, 21 November 1949, in
CAD, Vol. 11, pp. 736-737.
(55)
Aga Khan to Jawaharlal Nehru, 25 January 1951, copy in
Subject File No. 61, c. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(56)
D. F. Karaka, in Current, 11 November 1959. Karaka went on to list
Nehru’s failures, among them an inability to root out corruption and
nepotism, and the foolishness of trusting communist
China.
الجزء الرابع: صعود الشعبوية
الفصل الثامن عشر: الحرب وخلافة نهرو
(1)
V. K. Narasimhan, Kamaraj: A
Study (Bangalore: Myers Indmark, 1967); Duncan B.
Forrester, “Kamaraj: A Study in Percolation of Style,” Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1,
1970; J. Anthony Lukacs, “Meet Kumaraswamy Kamaraj,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 22 May
1966.
(2)
This account is based on Michael Brecher, Succession in India: A Study in Decision
Making (London: Oxford University Press, 1966),
chs. 2 and 3. See also Stanley Kochanek, The
Congress Party of India: The Dynamics of One-Party
Dermocracy (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University
Press, 1968), pp. 88f.
(3)
Brecher, Succession,
pp. 115–117.
(4)
Guardian, 3 June
1964, clipping in MSS. Eur. F. 158/1045,
OIOC.
(5)
Patrick Keatley, “A Sparrow’s Strength,” reprinted in
The Bedside Guardian 13: A Selection
from “The Guardian” 1963-1964 (London; Collins,
1964), pp. 200–203.
(6)
J. H. Hutton to Charles Pawsey, 29 May 1964, in Box II,
Pawsey Papers, Centre for South Asian Studies,
Cambridge.
(7)
M. Aram, Peace in Nagaland:
Eight Year Story, 1964–1972 (New Delhi:
Arnold-Heinemann India, 1974), pp. 20–38: A. Paul Hare and Herbert
H. Blumberg, eds., A Search for Peace and
Justice: Reflections of Michael Scott (London: Rex
Collings, 1980), ch. 11 (“Nagaland Peace
Mission”).
(8)
Narayan to J. J. Singh, dated Kohima, 11 September
1964, J. J. Singh Papers, NMML.
(9)
See V. K. Nuh, comp., The Naga
Chronicle (New Delhi; Regency, 2002), pp.
274ff.
(10)
Dr. Bhabha’s speech was quoted in extenso in Lok Sabha Debates, 27 November
1964.
(11)
Ibid., 27 November and 11 December 1964, Both Kachwai
and Shastri spoke in Hindi.
(12)
See K. S. Ramanathan, The Big
Change (Madras: Higginbothams, 1967), ch.
6.
(13)
A. S. Raman, “A Meeting with C. N. Annadurai,”
Illustrated Weekly of India,
26 September 1965.
(14)
See Robert D. King, Nehru and
the Language Politics of India (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1997); Mohan Ram, Hindi
against India: The Meaning of DMK (New Delhi: Rachna
Prakashan, 1968).
(15)
This account is principally based on news reports in
Hindu, 27 January to 15
February 1965. See also the four-page photo spread “Language Riots
in Madras,” Illustrated Weekly of
India, 28 February 1965.
(16)
Eric Stracey, Odd Man In: My
Years in the Indian Police (New Delhi: Vikas, 1981),
pp. 209–227.
(17)
See Morarji Desai, “National Unity through Hindi,”
Current,
30 January.
(18)
See Selected Speeches of Lai
Bahadur Shastri (New Delhi: Publications Division,
1974), pp. 119–122.
(19)
Lok Sabha Debates,
18 February 1965.
(20)
Ghosh to Alexander, 3 March 1965, File No. 60, Horace
Alexander Papers, Friends House, Euston.
(21)
Sir Morrice James, Pakistan
Chronicle (London: Hurst, 1993), pp. 123–126; G. S.
Bhargava, After Nehru: India’s New
Image (Bombay: Allied, 1966), pp. 260–263, 276,
439–441. The ceasefire agreement was signed by officials
representing the respective foreign ministries-both Muslims, they
were, as it happened, first cousins, one of whom had chosen to be
a citizen of India.
(22)
Letter of 24 May 1965, File No. 60, Horace Alexander
Papers, Friends House, Euston.
(23)
James, Pakistan
Chronicle, pp. 128–131.
(24)
See letters of the chief secretary of Jammu and
Kashmir, August 1965, in Nayantara Sahgal and E. N. Mangat Rai,
Relationship: Extracts from a
Correspondence (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994), pp.
134–139.
(25)
This account of the hostilities is principally based on
Brian Ctoughley, A History of the Pakistan
Army: Wars and Insurrections (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2006), pp. 68–72, 84-85, 102–106; Air Chief
Marshal P. C. Lal, My Years with the
IAF (New Delhi: Lancer, 1987), pp. 126–134;
Lieutenant General Harbaksh Singh, In the
Line of Duty: A Solider Remembers (New Delhi: Lancer,
2000), pp. 334–353.
(26)
Singh, In the Line of
Duty, p. 353.
(27)
Lal, My Years, p.
134.
(28)
See C. P. Srivastava, Lal
Bahadur Shastri: A Life of Truth in Politics (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp.
273–275.
(29)
See Bhargava, After
Nehru, pp. 300–303.
(30)
Herhert Feldman, From Crisis to
Crisis: Pakistan, 1962–1969 (London: Oxford
University Press, 1972), p. 146.
(31)
John Frazer, “Who Can Win Kashmir?” Reader’s Digest, January
1966.
(32)
As told to me by K. S. Bajpai, who was then the Indian
consul general in Karachi.
(33)
Lieutenant General Jahan Dad Khan, Pakistan Leadership Challenges
(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), p.
51.
(34)
Quoted in Feldman, From Crisis
to Crisis, pp. 139-140.
(35)
Quoted in Cloughley, A
History, p. 71.
(36)
For an acute analysis, see the untitled note on Kashmir
by Prem Nath Bazaz, dared 24 October 1965, in Subject File No. 46,
C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(37)
Alastair Lamb, Kashmir: A
Disputed Legacy, 1846–1990 (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 1992), p. 263.
(38)
Nayantara Sahgal, “What India Fights For,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 3 October
1965; Anon., The Fight for Peace
(New Delhi: Hardy and Ally India, 1966), especially pp.
260ff.
(39)
T. V. Kunhi Krishnan, Chavan
and the Troubled Decade (Bombay: Somaiya, 1971), pp.
99–115; R. D. Pradhan, Debacle to
Revival: Y. B. Chavan as
Defence Minister (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1999),
pp. 182–187, 207–212, 238–242.
(40)
Shastri to Jayaprakash Narayan, 21 July 1965 (in
Hindi), in Subject File No. 28, Brahmanand Papers,
NMML.
(41)
The speech is reprinted in D. R. Mankekar, Lal Bahadur: A Political Biography
(Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1965), App. 3. Unlike Nehru, Shastri was
a practising Hindu. But when asked by an interviewer to speak about
his faith, he answered that “one should not discuss one’s religion
in public.” Interview in Illustrated Weekly
of India, 18 October 1964.
(42)
Singh, Portrait of Lal Bahadur
Shastri, pp. 87-88.
(43)
See B. Sivaraman, Bitter Sweet:
Governance of India in Transition (New Delhi: Ashish,
1987), especially ch. 11, “Green Revolution.”
(44)
John P. Lewis, India’s
Political Economy: Governance and Reform (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1995), ch. 4; Gilles Boquerat, No Strings Attached? India’s Policies and Foreign
Aid, 1947–1966 (Delhi: Manohar, 2003), ch.
15.
(45)
Srivastava, Lal Bahadur
Shastri, ch. 31.
(46)
“Shastri’s Last Journey,” Life, 21 January 1966.
(47)
Letter to Dorothy Norman, 13 March 1965, in Dorothy
Norman, ed., Indira Gandhi: Letters to an
American Friend, 1950–1984 (San Diego, Calif;
Harcourt Brace Jovanonich, 1985), p. 111.
(48)
Vijayalakshmi Pandit to A. C. Nambiar, letters of 31
July 1964 and 26 January 1966, copies in Pupul Jayakar Papers, in
the possession of Radhika Herzberger, Mumbai.
(49)
Anand Mohan, Indira Gandhi: A
Personal and Political Biography (New York: Meredith,
1967), pp. 20–37.
(50)
Nehru to C. D. Deshmukh, 16 April 1956, in Subject File
No. 67, C. D. Deshmukh Papers, NMML.
(51)
“A Fitful Improvization,” Thought, 22 January 1966.
(52)
Nirmal Nihedon, Mizoram: The
Dagger Brigade (New Delhi: Lancers, 1980), especially
pp. 30–51.
(53)
Sajal Nag, Contesting
Marginality: Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Subnationalism in
North-East India (New Delhi: Manohar, 2002), pp.
217–224; Sajal Nag, “Tribes, Rats, Famine, State, and the Nation,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 24 March 2001. See also Thought (New Delhi), 2 April 1966, and
7 and 14 October 1967.
(54)
Unsigned, undated letter to I. A. Bowman,
postmarked 13 March 1966, in MSS. Eur. F. 229/62,
OIOC.
(55)
Jayaprakash Narayan to Marjorie Sykes, 24 February
1966, copy in J. J. Singh Papers, NMML. See also jayaprakash
Narayan, Nagaland Mem Shanti Ka
Prayas (Varanasi: Sarva Seva Sangh, 1966). The title
translates as “The Quest for Peace in
Nagaland.”
(56)
See clippings in MSS. Eur. F. 158/239,
OIOC.
(57)
Guy Wint to I. A. Bowman, 16 September 1966, in MSS.
Eur. F. 229/24, OIOC.
(58)
Nirmal Nibedon, Nagaland: The
Night of the Guerrillas (New Delhi: Lancers, 1983),
pp. 137–145.
(59)
Subject File No, 136, D. P. Mishra Papers, Third and
Fourth Instalments, NMMl.; Nandini Sundar, Subalterns and Sovereigns: An Anthropological History of
Bastar. 1854–1996 (Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1997), ch. 7.
(60)
Singh, In the Line of
Duty, p. 357.
(61)
See clippings in MSS. Eur. F. 158/295. The creation of
the new Punjab and Haryana was approved in March 1966, but the
decision did not go into effect until November, after the borders
were delimited. See HT, 2 November 1966.
(62)
See C. Subramaniam, Hand of
Destiny: Memoirs, Vol. 2, The
Green Revolution (Bomhay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
1995), ch. 11 and passim.
(63)
Mrs. Gandhi’s trip to the United States is described in
K. A. Abbas, Indira Gandhi: Return of the
Red Rose (Delhi; Hind Pocket Books, 1966), pp.
147–157.
(64)
Chester Bowles, Promises to
Keep: My Years in Public Life, 1941–1969 (New Delhi:
B. I. Publications, 1972), pp. 525–535. See also Howard B. Schaffer,
Chester Bowles: New Dealer in the Cold
War (New Delhi: Prentice-Hall India, 1994), pp.
280ff.
(65)
Anon., “India’s Food Crisis, 1965–1967,” in File 7, Box
32, Thomas J. Schonberg Files, Dean Rusk Papers, University of
Georgia, Athens.
(66)
Memorandum to President Johnson from Orville Freeman,
dated 19 July 1966, in File 6, Box 32, Thomas J. Schonberg Files,
Dean Rusk Papers, University of Georgia,
Athens.
(67)
This acccount of the devaluation in 1966 is based on
Rahul Mukherji, “India’s Ahorred Liberalization-1966,” Pacific Affairs, Vol. 73, No. 3, 2000;
supplemented by Kuldeep Nayar, Between the
Lines (Bombay: Allied, 1969), ch.
3.
(68)
Indira Gandhi to Jayaprakash Narayan, 7 June 1966, copy
in J. J. Singh Papers, NMML.
(69)
Thought, 11 June
1966.
(70)
Jayaprakash Narayan to Indira Gandhi, dated
Sarvodaya Ashram, Sokhodeora (Gaya), 23 June 1966, copy in
J. J. Singh Papers, NMML.
(71)
Indira Gandhi to Jayaprakash Narayan, 6 July 1966, copy
in J. J. Singh Papers, NMML.
(72)
Thought, 15 October
1966.
(73)
HT, issues of 31 October through 5 November
1966.
(74)
Ibid., 5 and 6 November 1966.
(75)
Ibid., 7 November 1966; Thought, 12 November 1966.
(76)
“Indians Becoming Increasingly Hostile to West,”
Sydney Morning Herald, 13
December 1965.
(77)
Ronald Segal, The Crisis of
India (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1965), pp. 171, 227,
255–257, 172, 309-310.
(78)
Michael Scott, quoted in Ursula Betts to Ian
Bowman, 25 May 1966, MSS. Eur. F. 229/24,
OIOC.
(79)
Paul Ehrlich, The Population
Bomb (New York: Ballantine, 1968),
Preface.
(80)
William and Paul Paddock, Famine—1975! America’s Decision: Who Will Survive?
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1975), pp. 60-61,
217-218.
(81)
S. Mulgaokar, “The Grimmest Situation in 19 Years,” HT,
3 November 1966.
الفصل التاسع عشر: التحوُّل إلى اليسار
(1)
Sol W. Sanders, “India: A Huge Country on the Verge of
Collapse,” U.S. News and World
Report, 28 November 1966.
(2)
Neville Maxwell, “India’s Disintegrating Democracy,”
The Times, 26 and 27 January and
10 February 1967.
(3)
See Yogesh Atal, Local
Communities and National Politics (Delhi: National,
1971); A. M. Shah, ed., The Grassroots of
Democracy (New Delhi: Permanent Black,
2007).
(4)
E. P. W. da Costa, The Indian
General Elections 1967: The Structure of Indian Voting
Intentions, January 1967—A Gallup Poll with Analysis
(New Delhi: Indian Institute of Public Opinion,
1967).
(5)
Thought, 4 March
1967.
(6)
These paragraphs on MGR and the DMK are based on Robert
L. Hardgrave and Anthony C. Neidhart, “Films and Political
Consciousness in Tamil Nadu,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 11 January 1975; and
N. Balakrishnan, “The History of the Dravidian Munnetra Kazhagam,
1949–1977,” unpublished PhD dissertation. School of Historical
Studies, Madurai Kamaraj University, 1985, especially pp.
278–286.
(7)
Narendra Suhramanian, Ethnicity
and Populist Mobilization: Political Parties, Citizens, and
Democracy in South India (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1999), pp. 204–210; Sagar Ahluwalia, Anna—The Tempest and the Sea (New
Delhi: Young Asia, 1969), pp. 51–57, 82–84.
(8)
Jyoti Basu, Memoirs: A
Political Autobiography (Calcutta; National Book
Agency, 1999), pp. 195–209.
(9)
Bhabani Sengupta, Communism in
Indian Politics (New York: Columbia University Press,
1972).
(10)
Marcus F. Franda, Radical
Politics in West Bengal (Cambridge, Mass; M.I.T.
Press, 1971), ch. 6.
(11)
See Rabindra Ray, The Naxalites
and Their Ideology (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1992).
(12)
Mainstream,
8 July 1967, quoted in Franda, Radical Politics,
p. 171.
(13)
Shanta Sinha, Maoists in Andhra
Pradesh (New Delhi: Gyan, 1989), chs. 4 to 7; Sumama
Banerjee, In the Wake of Naxalbari: A
History of the Naxalite Movement in India (Calcutta:
Subarnarekha, 1980), ch. 5.
(14)
See clippings and papers in Subject File No. 3, Dharma
Vira Papers, NMML.
(15)
Sankar Ghosh, The Disinherited
State: A Study of West Bengal, 1967–1970 (Calcutta:
Orient Longman, 1971), ch. 3.
(16)
See clippings in MSS. Eur. F. 158/456,
OIOC.
(17)
Ghosh, The Disinherited
State, pp. 248ff.
(18)
See Subject File No. 99, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
(19)
See IB report in Subject File No. 212, P. N. Haksar
Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(20)
See Ranjit Gupta, The Crimson
Agenda: Maoist Protest and Terror (Delhi: Wordsmiths,
2004), pp. 105, 110-111, 157–159, etc.
(21)
Inder Malhotra, “Naxalites Put City in Fear of Bombs,”
Guardian, 19 August
1970.
(22)
For the (very long) list of charges, see S. N. Dwivedy,
The Orissa Affair and the C.B.I.
Inquiry (New Delhi: Author,
1965).
(23)
Sunit Ghosh, Orissa in
Turmoil (Bhubaneshwar: Bookland International, 1991),
pp. 149–157; Sukadev Nanda, Coalition
Politics in Orissa (New Delhi: Sterling, 1979), pp.
70–77.
(24)
Special Branch report marked “Top Secret,” 26 February
1967, Subject File No. 25, DP Mishra Papers, Second Instalment,
NMML.
(25)
Ibid., Mishra to Kamaraj, 21 June
1967.
(26)
See R. C. V. P. Noronha, A Tale
Told by an Idiot (New Delhi: Vikas, 1976), ch.
8
(27)
Prem Shankar Jha, “Telengana: Language Is Not Enough,”
Illustrated Weekly of India,
3 August 1969.
(28)
S. K. Chaube, Hill Politics in
North-East India (Bombay: Orient Longman, 1973), chs.
7 and 8.
(29)
See letters and notes in Subject File No. 142, P. N.
Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(30)
Dipankar Gupta, Nativism in a
Metropolis: The Shiv Sena in Bombay (Delhi: Manohar,
1982), pp. 39-40, 82-83, etc.; Vaibhav Purandare, The Sena Story (Mumbai: Business
Publications, 1999), pp. 22–24, 42–44, etc.
(31)
Thought, 11 February
1967.
(32)
See notes in Subject File No. 128, P. N. Haksar Papers,
Third Instalment, NMML.
(33)
Thought, 16 March, 6
July, and 19 October 1968; Daily
Telegraph, 27 June 1968.
(34)
See news clippings in MSS. Eur. F. 158/239,
OIOC.
(35)
See Letters and papers in File No. 61, Alexander
Papers, Friends House, Euston.
(36)
Thought, 7 June
1968.
(37)
A. G. Noorani, “How Does a Riot Begin and Spread?”
Illustrated Weekly of India,
9 November 1969; N. C. Saxena, “The Nature and Origins of Communal
Riots in India,” in Asghar Ali Engineer, ed., Communal Riots in PostIndependence
India, 2nd ed. (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1991); K.
D. Malaviya to Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad, 30 March 1967, in Subject File
No. 128, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(38)
Ghanshyam Shah, “The 1969 Communal Riots in Ahmedabad:
A Case Study,” in Engineer, Communal
Riots. See also untitled report on the Ahmedabad
riots by a group of Congress members of Parliament, dated 7 October
1969, in Subject File No. 142, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalmenr, NMML.
(39)
Khushwant Singh, “Learning Geography through Murder,”
Illustrated Weekly of India,
31 May 1970.
(40)
Editorial, Thought,
2 March 1968; see also S. E. Hassnain, Indian Muslims: Challenge and Opportunity (Bombay:
Lalwani, 1968).
(41)
This sketch is based on Bidyut Sarkar, ed., P. N. Haksar: Our Times and the Man
(New Delhi: Allied, 1989); a conversation with Professor Andre
Beteille, Delhi, February 2005; and material in the P. N. Haksar
Papers, NMML.
(42)
Frank, Indira, p.
314.
(43)
Note dated 21 January 1968, in Subject File No. 198, P.
N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(44)
Speech by S. S. Dhawan, London, March 1969; copy in
Subject File No. 197, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(45)
Inder Malhotra, Indira Gandhi:
A Personal and Political Biography (London: Hodder
and Stoughton, 1989), pp. 108f.
(46)
The Years of Challenge:
Selected Speeches of Indira Gandhi, January 1966–August
1969, 2nd ed. (New Delhi, Publications Division,
1985), pp. 25–28, 34–39, 172–174, 268-269.
(47)
Thought, 8 and 29
March 1969.
(48)
Uma Vasudev, Indira Gandhi:
Revolution in Restraint (Delhi: Vikas, 1974), p.
502.
(49)
Malhotra, Indira
Gandhi, p. 116.
(50)
Thought, 23 December
1967; Morarji Desai, The Story of My
Life, Vol. 2 (Delhi: Macmillan India, 1974), pp.
243f.
(51)
The speech is reprinted in A. Moin Zaidi. The Great Upheaval, 1969–1972 (New
Delhi: Orientalia India, 1972), pp. 103–106.
(52)
Thought, 19 July and
16 August 1969.
(53)
For details, see Subject File No. 153, P. N. Haksar
Papers, Third Instalment.
(54)
Trevor Drieberg, Indira Gandhi:
Profile in Courage (Delhi: Vikas, 1972), ch.
7.
(55)
S. Nijalingappa to Indira Gandhi, 11 November
1969, in Zaidi, The Great
Upheaval, p. 231.
(56)
Sukumar Muralidharan and Ravi Sharma, “A Congressman
from Another Age: S. Nijalingappa, 1902–2000,” Frontline, 1 September
2000.
(57)
See drafts of speeches in Subject File no. 143, P. N.
Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(58)
N(ikhil) C(hakravartty), “Syndicate at Waterloo,”
Mainstream, 16 August
1969.
(59)
Sahgal, Indira
Gandhi, p. 53.
(60)
Note by P. N. Haksar dated 16 September 1967, Subject
File No. 118, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(61)
Subject File No. 121, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML; Rajinder Puri, India 1969:
A Crisis of Conscience (Delhi: Author, 1971), pp.
67–73.
(62)
See letters in Subject File No. 145, P. N. Haksar
Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(63)
This account of the parliamentary and judicial
interventions in the controversy over the privy purse is based on D.
R. Mankekar, Accession to Extinction: The
Story of Indian Princes (Delhi: Vikas, 1974), chs. 18
to 20.
(64)
For details, see M. S. Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India, Vol.
4, 1947–1981 (New Delhi: Indian
Council of Agricultural Research, 1986), chs. 30 to
32.
(65)
Don Taylor, “This New, Surprising Strength of Mrs.
Gandhi,” Evening Standard, 21
August 1969.
(66)
New York Times, 26
January 1970.
(67)
“Is India Cracking Up?” Thought, 4 January 1967.
(Editorial.)
(68)
“The Meaning of Naxalbari,” Thought, 17 June 1967.
(69)
Kathleen Gough, “The Indian Revolutionary Potential,”
Monthly Review, February
1969. (Based on an essay originally published in Pacific Affairs, Winter Issue,
1968-1969.)
(70)
Lasse Berg and Lisa Berg, Face
to Face: Fascism and Revolution in India, trans. from
Swedish by Norman Kurtin (Berkeley, Calif; Ramparts, 1971), pp.
23-24, 28, 31, 56, 125, 162, 209-210.
الفصل العشرون: إكسير النصر
(1)
Thought, 22 November
1969.
(2)
Election Manifestos
1971 (Bombay: Awake India,
1971).
(3)
Rajaji to Minoo Masani, 2 January 1971, in Subject File
No. 142, C. Rajagopalachari Papers, Fourth Instalment,
NMML.
(4)
Indira Gandhi to Dorothy Norman, 23 April 1971, in
Letters to an American
Friend, p. 132.
(5)
Thought, 20
May 1972.
(6)
“A Special Correspondent,” “The Making of Fifth Lok
Sabha,” Thought, 20 March
1971.
(7)
Khushwanr Singh, “Indira Gandhi,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 14 March
1971.
(8)
See Mankekar, Accession to
Extinction, ch. 21.
(9)
D. N. Dhanagare, “Urban-Rural Differences in Election
Violence,” in S. P. Varma and Iqbal Narain, eds., Fourth General Elections in India, Vol.
2 (Bombay: Orient Longman, 1970).
(10)
This section is based on Election Commission of India,
Report on the Fifth General Elections in
India, 1971-1972 (New Delhi: Manager of Publications,
1973), passim. The CEC was S. P. Sen Varma; his report—the mystical
Preface apart—was clearly modelled on the first such, written by his
great predecessor, Sukumar Sen.
(11)
This and the following paragraphs are principally based
on Herbert Feldman, The End and the
Beginning: Pakistan 1969–1971 (London: Oxford
University Press, 1975), chs. 7 to 9. See also D. R. Mankekar,
Pak Colonialism in East
Bengal (Bombay: Somaiyya,
1971).
(12)
Lieutenant General A. A. K. Niazi, quoted in Muntassir
Mamoon, The Vanquished Generals and the
Liberation War of Bangladesh (Dhaka: Somoy Prakashan,
2000), p. 159.
(13)
R. K. Dasgupta, Revolt in East
Bengal (Calcutta: G. C. Ray, 1971), pp. 4, 7, 9, 21,
24-25, 29, 39, 52, 61, etc. For the colonial treatment of East
Pakistan by the West Punjab elite, see also Anthony Mascarenhas,
The Rape of Bangla Desh
(Delhi: Vikas, 1971).
(14)
See reports by eyewitnesses collected in Anon.,
Bangla Desh Documents
(Madras: B. N. K., 1972), ch. 6.
(15)
Jyoti Sen Gupta, History of
Freedom Movement in Bangladesh, 1943–1973 (Calcutta:
Naya Prokash, 1974), pp. 314–316, 325-326. The major who made the
announcement was Zia-ur-Rahman, later president of
Bangladesh.
(16)
State Department telegram dated 2 July 1971, reproduced
in Roedad Khan, comp, The American Papers:
Secret and Confidential India-Pakistan-Bangladesh Documents,
1965–1973 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999),
pp. 613–615.
(17)
Major General Hakeem Arshad Qureshi, The 1971 Indo-Pak War: A Soldier’s
Narrative (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002),
pp. 60, 71. The sentences quoted could as easily have been written
by an Indian army commander, about Nagaland c.
1957.
(18)
Werner Adam, “Pakistan’s Open Wounds,” Washington Post, 6 June 1971; New York Times, 25 June 1971; World
Bank team report, Subject File No. 171, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
(19)
Anon., Bangla Desh
Documents, ch. 7.
(20)
K. C. Saha, “The Genocide of 1971 and the Refugee
Influx in the East,” in Ranahir Samaddar, ed., Refugees and the State: Practices of Asylum and
Care in India, 1947–2000 (New Delhi: Sage,
2003).
(21)
Iqbal Akhund, Memoirs of a
Bystander: A life in Diplomacy (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 1997), p. 201.
(22)
“Threat of a Military Attack or Infiltration Campaign
by Pakistan,” RAW, January 1971, copy in Subject File No. 220, P. N.
Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(23)
Dhar to Haksar, 18 April 1971, in Subject File
No. 220, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(24)
See reports in Subject File No. 169, P. N. Haksar
Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(25)
The letter is reprinted in F. S. Aijazuddin, ed.,
The White House and Pakistan: Secret
Declassified Documents,1969–1974 (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2002), pp. 129-130.
(26)
“Record of PM’s Conversation with Dr. Kissinger,” dated
7 July 1971, in Subject File No. 225, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
(27)
Indira Gandhi to Richard Nixon, 7 August 1971, copy in
Subject File No. 220, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(28)
See the documents in Louis Smith, ed., Foreign Relations of the United States,
1969–1976, Vol. 11, South
Asia Crisis, 1971 (Washington, D.C.: Department of
State, 2005), pp. 28, 35, 164, 167, 288-289, 303, 316, 324, 557,
etc.; and the documents in Aijazuddin, The
White House, pp. 242–246,
258–262.
(29)
For the broader context of India’s changing relations
with the superpowers in the early 1970s, see T. V. Kunhi Krishnan,
The Unfriendly Friends: India and
America (New Delhi: Indian Book Company, 1974);
Shashi Tharoor, Reasons of State: Political
Development and India’s Foreign Policy under Indira Gandhi,
1966–1977 (New Delhi: Vikas, 1982); and Linda
Racioppi, Soviet Policy towards South Asia
since 1970 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1994).
(30)
This paragraph is based on letters and papers in
Subject Files No. 163, 225, and 229, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
(31)
“Top secret” note of 5 June 1971 in Subject File No.
89, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(32)
“Record of conversations between Foreign Minister and
Mr. A. A. Gromyko, Minister of Foreign Affairs, USSR, on 7 June
1971,” in Subject File No. 203, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
(33)
The text of the treaty is printed in A.
Appadorai, ed., Select Documents on
India’s Foreign Policy and Relations,
1947–1972, Vol. 2 (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1985), pp. 136–140.
(34)
The Speeches and Reminiscences
of Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India (London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1975), pp. 162–164.
(35)
See Aijazuddin, The White
House, pp. 313, 336–339.
(36)
Robert Jackson, South Asian
Crisis: India-Pakistan-Bangla Desh (London: Chatto
and Windus, 1975), p. 102.
(37)
Letter of 23 November, in Aijazuddin, The White House, pp.
364-365.
(38)
Jackson, South Asian
Crisis, pp. 106-107; Brian Cloughley, A History of the Pakistan Army: Wars and
Insurrections (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
2006), pp. 148-149.
(39)
B. G. Verghese, An End to
Confrontation: Restructuring the Sub-Continent (New
Delhi: S. Chand, 1972), pp. 35–50.
(40)
Cloughley, A History of the
Pakistan Army, p. 222.
(41)
Lieutenant General A. A. K. Niazi, The Betrayal of East Pakistan (Delhi:
Manohar, 1998), p. 132.
(42)
Ibid., p. 114.
(43)
D. R. Mankekar, Pakistan Cut to
Size (New Delhi: Indian Book Company, 1972), pp.
54–63.
(44)
Jackson, South Asian
Crisis, pp. 137-138.
(45)
Telegram quoted in Niazi, Betrayal, p. 180.
(46)
See Aijazuddin, The White
House, pp. 447, 449-450.
(47)
Niazi, Betrayal, pp.
187ff.
(48)
Lok Sabha Debates,
16 December 1971.
(49)
Living not far from the border then, I heard Yahya’s
speech as it was delivered—he had (as Pakistani accounts also
suggest) consumed a goodly amount of whisky before raking up the
microphone.
(50)
Air Chief Marshal P. C. Lal, My
Years with the IAF (New Delhi: Lancer International,
1986), p. 321.
(51)
Smith, South Asia
Crisis, pp. 439, 499, 594, 612, 674, etc. See also
the letters exchanged between Mrs. Gandhi and Nixon after the end of
the war, reproduced in Aijazuddin, The White
House, pp. 476–480.
(52)
Time, 3 January
1972; James Reston, “India’s Victory a Triumph for Moscow,”
New York Times, c. 20
December 1971, clipping in Subject File No. 217, P. N. Haksar
Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(53)
Thought, 29 January
1972.
(54)
Quoted in C. M. Naim, Ambiguities of Heritage: Fictions and Polemics
(Karachi: City Press, 1999), p. 139.
(55)
See “India after Bangla Desh: A Symposium,” Gandhi Marg, Vol. 16, No. 2,
1972.
(56)
Letter of 8 December 1971, in Carol Brightman,
ed., Between Friends: The
Correspondence of Hannah Arendt and Mary McCarthy,
1949–1975 (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1995),
p. 303.
(57)
Vajpayee, quoted in Thought, 20 May 1972.
(58)
Ranajit Roy, The Agony of West
Bengal: A Study in Union-State Relations, 3rd ed.
(Calcutta: New Age, 1973), pp. 3-4; Sajal Basu, West Bengal—The Violent Years
(Calcutta: Prachi, 1974), p. 78.
(59)
“Message to Mrs. Gandhi from Sir Alec Douglas-Home,”
dated 20 March 1972, in Subject File No. 179, P. N. Haksar Papers,
Third Instalment, NMML.
(60)
Quoted in S. R. Sen to I. G. Patel, letter dated 2
March 1972, in Subject File No. 225, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
(61)
Untitled note in Subject File No. 236, P. N. Haksar
Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(62)
Sajjad Zaheer to P. N. Haksar, 23 March 1972, in
Subject File No. 243, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML
(emphasis in original). Mazhar Ali Khan was the father of the
student radical Tariq Ali, who later became a prolific
author.
(63)
A. Raghavan, “Five Days That Changed History,”
Blitz, 8 July
1972.
(64)
Note by Dhar dated 12 March 1972, in Subject File no.
235, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(65)
The text of the Simla Agreement is printed in
Appadorai, Select Documents, pp.
443–445.
(66)
The text of the speech is in Subject File No. 93, P. N.
Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(67)
Ibid., annotations.
الفصل الحادي والعشرون: الغريمان
(1)
See India: The Speeches and
Reminscences of Indira Gandhi,
pp. 215-216.
(2)
Hindu, 16 August
1972.
(3)
A. Vaidyanathan, “The Indian Economy since Independence
(1947–1970),” in Dharma Kumar, ed., The
Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. 2.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1983).
(4)
This paragraph summarizes several longitudinal studies
of rural India. See G. Parthasarathy, “A South Indian Village after
Two Decades,” EW, 12 January 1963; Kumudini Dandekar and Vaijayanti
Bhate, “Socio-Economic Change during Three Five-Year Plans,”
Artha Vtjnana, Vol. 17, No.
4, 1975; Robert W. Bradnock, “Agricultural Development in Tamil
Nadu: Two Decades of Land Use Changes at Village Level,” in Tim P.
Bayliss-Smith and Sudhir Wanmali, eds., Understanding Green Revolutions: Agrarian Change and
Development Planning in South Asia (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1984).
(5)
These studies are summarized in M. L. Dantwala,
Poverty in India: Then and
Now (Madras: Macmillan India, 1971); and M.
Mukherjee, N. Bhanacharya, and G. S. Chatterjee, “Poverty in India:
Measurement and Amelioration,” in Vadilal Dagli, ed., Twenty-Five Years of Independence—A Survey of
Indian Economy (Bombay: Vora, 1973). Dandekar and
Rath’s study was first published in Economic
and Political Weekly in January
1971.
(6)
J. P. Naik, “Education,” in S. C. Dube, ed., India since Independence: Social Report on India,
1947–1972 (New Delhi: Vikas, 1977); Amrik Singh,
“Twenty-Five Years of Indian Education: An Assessment,” in jag
Mohan, ed., Twenty-Five Years of Indian
Independence (New Delhi: Vikas,
1973).
(7)
“Indian Economic Policy and Performance: A Framework
for a Progressive Society” (1973), in Jagdish N. Bhagwati, Essays in Development Economics
(Cambridge, Mass; M.I.T. Press, 1985).
(8)
Anon., “Mummy Knows Best,” Thought, 2 October 1971.
(9)
Thought, 5 May 1971;
D. R. Rajagopal, “Sanjay Gandhi,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 11 July
1971.
(10)
Letter of 2 February 1971, Indira Gandhi
Correspondence, P. N. Haksar Papers, NMML.
(11)
Current, 28 July
1973.
(12)
Star, 12 August
1973, clipping in Subject File No. 93, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
(13)
Ibid., note of 29 June 1971.
(14)
See notes and correspondence in Subject Files Nos. 242
and 243, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(15)
Unless otherwise stated, this section is based on the
synthesis report of those seventy-five studies: Status of Women in India (New Delhi:
Indian Council of Social Science Research, 1974). Many of the data
quoted there, and here, come from the 1971 census of
India.
(16)
D. R. Gadgil, Women in the
Working Force in India (London: Asia Publishing
House, 1965); Bina Agarwal, “Women, Poverty, and Agricultural Growth
in India,” Journal of Peasant
Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2,
1985-1986.
(17)
Radha Kumar, The History of
Doing: An Illustrated Account of Movements for Women’s Rights
and Feminism in India, 1860–1990 (New Delhi: Kali for
Women, 1993), ch. 6.
(18)
For more details, see P. G. K. Pannikar and C. R.
Soman, Health Status of Kerala
(Trivandrum: Centre for Development Studies,
1984).
(19)
Ronald J. Herring, “Abolition of Landlordism in Kerala:
A Redistribution of Privilege,” Economic and
Political Weekly, Review of Agriculture, June 1980;
P. Radhakrishnan, “Land Reforms and Changes in Land System: Study of
a Kerala Village,” Economic and Political
Weekly, Review of Agriculture, September
1982.
(20)
See Lok Sabha
Debates, 30 November 1971.
(21)
Justice K. S. Hegde, “Perspectives of the Indian
Constitution,” Rajendra Prasad Memorial Lecture, Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan Bombay, March 1972; copy in Subject File No. 220, P. N.
Haksar Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(22)
Letter from Indira Gandhi to Jayaprakash Narayan of 9
June 1973 and his reply of 27 June 1973, both in Jayaprakash Narayan
Papers, NMML.
(23)
A. G. Noorani, “Crisis in India’s Judiciary,” Imprint, January
1974.
(24)
Malhotra, Indira
Gandhi, pp. 152-153, etc.
(25)
Thought, 1 January
1972.
(26)
Ibid, 8 July 1972.
(27)
Current, 8 July
1972; Thought, 23 September
1972.
(28)
The minutes of these talks are unavailable, but for
clues about what might have been discussed, see Subject Files Nos.
183 and 235, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(29)
These paragraphs on Nagaland in the early 1970s
are based on reports in the Kohima weekly Citizens Voice. Issues are in
Box VIII, Pawsey Papers, Centre for South Asian Studies,
Cambridge.
(30)
Thought, 2 March
1974.
(31)
See Ajit Bhattacharjea, Unfinished Revolution: A Political
Biography of Jayaprakash
Narayan (New Delhi: Rupa, 2004), pp.
I93ff.
(32)
The previous three paragraphs draw on Ghanshyam Shah,
“Revolution, Reform, or Protest? A Study of the Bihar Movement,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 9, 16, and 23 April
1977,
(33)
The correspondence between Narayan and Mrs. Gandhi,
very rich but unexplored by their biographers, is in the Jayaprakash
Narayan Papers, NMML. The correspondence between JP and Nehru—also
less intensely mined than it might have been—is scattered between
this collection and the Brahmananda Papers, also at the
NMML.
(34)
Quoted in Bhattacharjea, Unfinished Revolution, pp.
205-206.
(35)
See reports in Subject File No. 272, Jayaprakash
Narayan Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(36)
English translation of speech in Everyman’s Weekly, 22 June
1974.
(37)
Robert Jay Lifton, Revolutionary Immortality: Mao Tse Tung and the Cultural
Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967). I offer
this comparison knowing that it will be dismissed both by Marxists,
who will see JP as a lily-livered reformist in comparison with Mao,
and by the Gandhians, who will profess shock at the lumping Together
of a man of non-violence with one known to have caused so many
deaths.
(38)
Anon., “Railway Strike in Retrospect,” Economic and Political Weekly, 18
January 1975.
(39)
S. Nihal Singh, Indira’s India:
A Political Notebook (Bombay: Nachiketa, 1978), pp.
215-216.
(40)
George Perkovich, India’s
Nuclear Bomb: The Impact on Global Proliferation
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 170–180;
Thought, 25 May 1974; Aziz
Ahmad (foreign minister of Pakistan) to Horace Alexander, 15 June
1974, in Alexander Papers, Friends House,
Euston.
(41)
These paragraphs are based on the letters between Mrs.
Gandhi and JP in the Jayaprakash Narayan Papers,
NMML.
(42)
Bhattacharjea, Unfinished
Revolution, pp. 211f; Everyman’s Weekly, 21 September
1974.
(43)
See correspondence between Acharya Ramamurti and JP in
Subject File No. 273, Jayaprakash Narayan Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.
(44)
Letter of 14 October 1974, in Subject File No. 277,
jayaprakash Narayan Papers, NMML. Patil’s letter—to which JP’s
reply, if there was one, is untraceable—is reminiscent of the
warnings uttered along these lines in the Constituent Assembly by
his great fellow Maharashtrian, B. R.
Ambedkar.
(45)
Bhattacharjea, Unfinished
Revolution, pp. 216-217.
(46)
Everyman’s Weekly,
16 and 23 November 1974.
(47)
See B. S. Das, The Sikkim
Saga (New Delhi: Vikas, 1983).
(48)
Letter to JP dated 18 July 1974 from M. Shah, Adoni,
Kurnool District, A. P., in Subject File No, 273, Jayaprakash
Narayan Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(49)
See statements in Subject File No. 272, Jayaprakash
Narayan Papers, Third Instalment, NMML.
(50)
For a sampling of the former view, see Everyman’s Weekly, 1974-1975; for the
latter view, see Illustrated Weekly of
India for the same period.
(51)
Frank, Indira, p.
368; Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the
Battle for the World (New York: Basic Books, 2005),
pp. 322-323.
(52)
Unless otherwise indicated, the rest of this section is
based on reports and comments in Indian
Express, 1 February to 21 March
1975.
(53)
Anon., “The South Poses a Problem for JP,” Everyman’s Weekly, 4 May
1975.
(54)
Granville Austin, Working a
Democratic Constitution: The Indian Experience (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp.
314–316.
(55)
Indian Express, 20
March 1975.
(56)
Unless otherwise stated, the rest of this section is
based on reports in Indian
Express, 10 to 28 June 1975.
(57)
Prashant Bhushan, The Case That
Shook India (New Delhi: Vikas, 1978), pp.
98ff.
(58)
Ibid., p. 94.
(59)
Quoted in Dom Moraes, Indira
Gandhi (Boston: Little, Brown, 1980), p.
220.
(60)
Danial Latifi, “Indira Gandhi Case Revisited,” undated
typescript in Subject File No. 225, P. N. Haksar Papers, Third
Instalment, NMML.
الفصل الثاني والعشرون: خريف حكم إنديرا غاندي
(1)
Democracy and Discipline:
Speeches of Shrimati Indira Gandhi (New Delhi:
Minstry of Information and Broadcasting, 1975), pp.
1-2.
(2)
The note is reproduced in Pupul Jayakar, Indira Gandhi: An Intimate Biography
(New York: Pantheon, 1993), pp. 202-203.
(3)
K. R. Malkani, The Midnight
Knock (New Delhi: Vikas, 1978), p.
37.
(4)
Democracy and
Discipline, pp. 18-19, 61, etc. This volume prints
eleven interviews given in the first three months of the
emergency—almost one a week, by a prime minister never known to be
overfond of the press.
(5)
See D. V. Gandhi, comp., Era of
Discipline: Documents on
Contemporary Reality
(New Delhi: Samachar Bharati, 1976), p. 254.
(6)
Consolidating National
Gains: Speeches of Shrimati Indira Gandhi
(New Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1976),
p. 29. The speech was originally delivered in Hindi; I have
used the official translation.
(7)
Joe Elder, “Report on Visit to India. August 11–22,
1975,” in File No. 78, Horace Alexander Papers, Friends House,
Euston.
(8)
Ibid., Sharada Prasad to S. K. De, 16 September 1975,
in File No. 78, Horace Alexander Papers, Friends House,
Euston.
(9)
P. N. Dhar, Indira Gandhi, the
“Emergency,” and Indian Democracy (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2000), pp. 307–311.
(10)
Narayan to Sheikh Abdullah, 23 September 1975,
reprinted in M. G. Devasa-hayam, India’s
Second Freedom—An Untold Saga (New Delhi: Siddharth,
2004), pp. 351–354.
(11)
For the circumstances of JP’s release, see ibid., chs.
29 and 30.
(12)
See table reproduced in Gangadharan, Koshy, and
Radhakrishnan, The Inquisition: Revelations
before the Shah Commission (New Delhi: Path, 1978),
p. 260.
(13)
Note of 14 January 1976, in “Emergency File,” Hari Dev
Sharma Papers, NMML.
(14)
Indira Gandhi to Verrier Elwin, 14 January 1963, letter
in the possession of the Elwin family,
Shillong.
(15)
See Mehta, Portrait of
India, pp. 545-546.
(16)
Austin, Working a Democratic
Constitution, pp. 319–324.
(17)
Ibid., pp. 334–341.
(18)
New York Times, 30
April 1976.
(19)
Austin, Working a Democratic
Constitution, pp. 373-374. See also Nani Palkhivala,
“Reshaping the Constitution,” Illustrated
Weekly of India, 4 July 1976.
(20)
“Notes on a Meeting with Indira Gandhi, 1, Safdarjung
Road, 14 March 1976,” in MSS. Eur. F. 236/269,
OIOC.
(21)
See the detailed list of forbidden subjects in Sajal
Basu, ed., Underground Literature during
Indian Emergency (Calcutta: Minerva Associates,
1978), pp. 102–114.
(22)
Prakash Ananda, A
History of the Tribune (New Delhi: Tribune
Trust, 1986), pp. 165-166.
(23)
Ram Krishan Sharma to Penderel Moon, 25 November 1975,
in MSS. Eur. F. 230/36, OIOC.
(24)
Guardian, 2 August
1976.
(25)
John Dayal and Ajay Bose, The
Shah Commission Begins (New Delhi: Orient Longman,
1978), p. 208; Michael Henderson, Experiment
with Untruth: India under Emergency (Delhi: Macmillan
India, 1977), p, 89.
(26)
G. S. Bhargava, The Press in
India: An Overview (New Delhi: National Book Trust,
2005), pp. 53, etc.
(27)
Dayal and Bose, Shah
Commission, pp. 280–293; Henderson, Experiment with Untruth, p.
89.
(28)
See K. K. Birla, Indira Gandhi:
Reminscences (New Delhi: Vikas, 1987), pp.
50-51.
(29)
Bhargava, The Press in
India, pp. 65-66.
(30)
Quoted in Ved Mehta, The New India (Harmondsworth, Penguin,
1978), pp. 63-64.
(31)
Report by Jonathan Dimbleby in the Sunday Times, reprinted in Amiya Rao
and B. G. Rao, eds., The Press She Could Not
Whip: Emergency in India as Reported by the Foreign
Press (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1977), pp.
20-21.
(32)
Malhotra, Indira
Gandhi, p. 182.
(33)
Report by J. Anthony Lukacs in the New York Times, reprinted in Rao and
Rao, The Press She Could Not
Whip, pp. 186–198.
(34)
See Basu, Underground
Literature, pp. 7–11.
(35)
P. G. Mavalankar, “No, Sir”: An
Independent M. P. Speaks during the Emergency
(Ahmedabad: Sannistha Prakashan, 1979), pp. 20–25, 29-30,
etc.
(36)
Economist, 24
January 1976. This is almost certainly an overestimate, based on
figures supplied by the underground newspaper Satya Samachar.
(37)
Satya Samachar, 20
September 1976, in “Emergency File,” Hari Dev Sharma Papers,
NMML.
(38)
Translated by Sugata Srinivasaraju, and printed
as an epigraph to his translation of Chi Srinivasaraju’s
Phoenix and Four Other Mime
Plays (Bangalore: Navakarnataka,
2005).
(39)
Basu, Underground
Literature, pp. 27, 29, 65; Henderson, Experiment with Untruth, p.
21.
(40)
These paragraphs on George Fernandes’s activities
during the emergency are principally based on C. G. K. Reddy,
Baroda Dynamite Conspiracy: The Right to
Rebel (New Delhi: Vision, 1977). See also “Emergency
File,” Hari Dev Sharma Papers, NMML; and Snehalata Reddy, A Prison Diary (Mysore: Karnataka State
Human Rights Committee, 1977).
(41)
Henderson, Experiment with
Untruth, p. 27.
(42)
I regret that I cannot provide a precise reference for
this story. I cannot remember where I first heard or read it,
whether from a friend who knew Kripalani or in an obituary printed
in the newspapers when he died. Like so many remarkable characters
who figure in these pages, Kripalani has yet to find a
biographer.
(43)
“The Emergency: A Needed Shock,” Time, 27 October
1975.
(44)
Sydney Morning
Herald, 1 September 1976.
(45)
Times, 3 and 14 July
1976.
(46)
“Indira Gandhi’s Year of Failure,” Observer, 27 June 1975.
(Editorial.)
(47)
The only serviceable biography of Sanjay Gandhi remains
Vinod Mehta, The Sanjay Story
(New Delhi: Vikas, 1978).
(48)
The interview is reprinted in full in Uma Vasudev,
Two Faces of Indira Gandhi
(New Delhi: Vikas, 1977), pp. 193–208. Vasudev, who conducted the
interview, was the editor of Surge.
(49)
Ibid., pp. 108–110; Dhar, Indira Gandhi, pp. 325–329.
(50)
Illustrated Weekly of
India, 25 January 1976.
(51)
Ibid., 15 August, 14 October, and 7 and 14 November
1976.
(52)
Dayal and Bose, Shah
Commission, pp. 189, 229; Mehta, The Sanjay Story, p.
139.
(53)
Janardhan Thakur, All the Prime
Minister’s Men (New Delhi: Vikas, 1977), p. 57;
Satyindra Singh, “Pleasing the Crown Prince,” Sunday Pioneer, 25 June 2000; Mehta,
The Sanjay Story, pp. 87, 97,
165.
(54)
Mehta, The Sanjay
Story, p. 81.
(55)
See Emma Tarlo, Unsettling
Memories: Narratives of India’s “Emergency” (Delhi:
Permanent Black, 2003), pp. 80–82, 98, and map after p.
148.
(56)
Jagmohan, Island of
Truth (New Delhi: Vikas, 1978), pp. 9-10,
182-183, etc.
(57)
Mehta, The Sanjay
Story; Thakur, All the Prime
Minister’s Men; and Vasudev, The Two Faces, all deal at some length with this
coterie and its doings.
(58)
Tarlo, Unsettling
Memories, p. 140.
(59)
This account of the incident at Turkman Gate is
principally based on John Dayal and Ajoy Bose, For Reasons of State: Delhi under
Emergency (Delhi: Ess Ess, 1977), ch. 2. See also
Mehta, The Sanjay Story, pp.
90–95; and lnder Mohan, “Turkman Gate, Sanjay Gandhi, and Tihar
Jail,” PUCL Bulletin, Vol. 5, No.
8, August 1985. Dayal and Bose, as well as Mehta, write that
Jagmohan’s determination to clear Turkman Gate was in part motivated
by the fact that the residents were Muslims—he saw them, apparently,
as Pakistani fifth columnists. Jagmohan’s own account of the
incident is in Island of Truth,
pp. 144–149.
(60)
Mohammad Yunus, Persons,
Passions, and Politics (New Delhi: Vikas, 1980), pp.
251-252.
(61)
Satya
Samachar, 12 June 1976, in “Emergency File,”
Haridev Sharma Papers, NMML.
(62)
There is an extensive literature on this subject, to
which the summary here by no means does justice. For an introduction
to the complex issues involved, see Pravin Visaria, “Population
Policy,” Seminar, March
2002.
(63)
Illustrated Weekly of
India, 15 August 1976.
(64)
Mehta, The Sanjay
Story, p. 112.
(65)
Ibid., pp. 117–129; Tarlo, Unsettling Memories, pp. 80–82, 98, 140,
150-151.
(66)
Lee I. Schlesinger, “The Emergency in an Indian
Village,” Asian Survey, Vol. 17,
No. 7, July 1977.
(67)
Satya Samachar, 26
September 1976; news bulletin of Lok
Sangharsh Samiti dated 23 November 1976, both in
“Emergency File,” Hari Dev Sharma Papers,
NMML.
(68)
Basu, Underground
Literature, p. 36; Gangadharan et al., Inquisition, pp.
130–133.
(69)
The locus classicus of this view is the book by her
former secretary P. N. Dhar on the emergency. But the argument
haunts virtually all the biographies of Mrs. Gandhi. See Dhar,
Indira Gandhi, as well as the
biographies by Jayakar, Malhotra, Moraes, and
Vasudev.
(70)
Times, 26 August
1976.
(71)
John Grigg, “Tryst with Despotism,” Spectator, 21 August
1976.
(72)
See the correspondence between Alexander and Mrs.
Gandhi in File No. 78, Horace Alexander Papers, Friends House,
Euston.
(73)
Levin’s articles are reprinted in full in Rao and Rao,
The Press She Could Not Whip,
pp. 124–131, 268–276.
(74)
Dhar, Indira Gandhi,
p. 344
(75)
Henderson, Experiments with
Untruth, p. 153; Kuldip Nayar, The Judgement: Inside Story of the Emergency in
India (New Delhi: Vikas, 1977), p.
55.
(76)
A. M. Rosenthal, “Father and Daughter: A Remembrance,”
New York Times, 1 November
1984.
(77)
See Jawaharlal Nehru, Glimpses
of World History, 4th ed. (London: Linsday Drummon,
1949; originally published 1934).
الفصل الثالث والعشرون: الحكومة دون حزب المؤتمر
(1)
S. Devadas Pillai, ed., The
Incredible Elections, 1977:
A Blow-by-Blow
Document as Reported in the Indian Express (Bombay:
Popular Prakashan, 1977), pp. 19–22, 37-38,
43.
(2)
Ibid., pp. 74–76, 107–111.
(3)
Illustrated Weekly of
India, 6 March 1977.
(4)
Bhattacharjea, Unfinished
Revolution, pp. 282-283.
(5)
Pillai, The Incredible
Elections, pp. 196, 198, 237, 244-245,
247.
(6)
Inder Malhotra, “The Campaign That Was,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 20 March
1977; Javed Alam, Domination and Dissent:
Peasants and Politics (Calcutta: Mandira, 1985), pp.
63, 65, 98, 168-169.
(7)
Pillai, The Incredible
Elections, pp. 419–422.
(8)
S. L. M. Prachand, The Popular
Upsurge and the Fall of Congress (Chandigarh:
Abhishek, 1977).
(9)
See Theodore P. Wright, Jr., “Muslims and the 1977
Indian Election: A Watershed?” Asian
Survey, Vol. 17, No. 12, December
1977.
(10)
Indira Gandhi to Fory Nehru, 17 April 1977, copy in
Pupul Jayakar Papers, Mumbai.
(11)
Khushwant Singh, “Editor’s Page,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 27 March
1977.
(12)
See Janardhan Thakur, All the
Janata Men (New Delhi: Vikas, 1979), p.
148.
(13)
Himmat, 30 June
1978.
(14)
New York Times, 22
March 1977, and Washington Post,
19 April 1977, both quoted in Baldev Raj Nayar, “India and the Super
Powers: Deviation or Continuity in Foreign Policy?” Economic and Political Weekly, 23 July
1977.
(15)
Ajit Bhattacharjea, “Janata’s Foreign Policy,”
Himmat, 30 December
1977.
(16)
See press clippings on Carter’s visit in File No. 77,
Horace Alexander Papers, Friends House,
Euston.
(17)
Times, 7 November
1977.
(18)
“When Zia Complimented Vajpayee,” New Indian Express, 21 February
1999.
(19)
Himmat, 4 November
1977.
(20)
Ibid., 20 January 1978.
(21)
K. A. Abbas, Janata in
a Jam? (Bombay: Jaico, 1978), p.
84.
(22)
Ajit Roy, “West Bengal: Not a Negative Vote,” Economic and Political Weekly, 2 July
1977.
(23)
Sunil Sengupra, “West Bengal Land Reforms and the
Agrarian Scene,” Economic and Political
Weekly, Review of Agriculture, June 1981; Atul Kohli,
The State and Poverty in India: The
Politics of Reform (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1987), ch. 3; Prabir Kumar De, The Politics of Land Reform: The Changing Scene in Rural
Bengal (Calcutta: Minerva,
1994).
(24)
Subramanian, Ethnicity and
Populist Mobilization, pp. 283–286; K. Mohandas,
MGR: The Man and the Myth
(Bangalore: Panther, 1992), pp. 11-12, 33-34.
(25)
Guardian, 12
November 1977.
(26)
D. D. Thakur, My Life and Years
in Kashmiri Politics (Delhi: Konark, 2005), p.
277.
(27)
Shamim Ahmed Shamim, “Kashmir,” Seminar, April 1978. See also Mir Qasim, My Life and Times (New Delhi: Allied,
1992), pp. 154-155.
(28)
Gilbert Etienne, India’s
Changing Rural Scene, 1963–1979 (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1982).
(29)
See Martin Doornbos and K. N, Nair, eds., Resources, Institutions, and Strategies: Operation
Flood and Indian Dairying (New Delhi: Sage, 1990);
and Shanti George, Operation Flood: An
Appraisal of Current Indian Dairy Policy (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1985).
(30)
Ashurosh Varshney, Democracy,
Development, and the
Countryside: Urban-Rural
Struggles in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1998), ch. 4.
(31)
See Varshney, Democracy; and Ashok Mitra, Terms of Trade and Class Relations (London: Frank
Cass, 1977).
(32)
Neerja Chowdhury, “Sharpening the Battle Lines,”
Himmat, 23 March 1979; Harry
W. Blair, “Rising Kulaks and Backward Classes in Bihar: Social
Change in the Late 1970s,” Economic and Political Weekly,
12 January 1980.
(33)
Kalpana Sharma, “Bihar—The Ungovernable State?” and
Rajiv Shankar, “Why Bihar Remains Poor,” Himmat, 6 October 1978.
(34)
Sachidananda, “Bihar’s Experience,” Seminar, November
1979.
(35)
Arun Sinha, “Class War, Not ‘Atrocities’ Against
Harijans,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 10 December 1977; Pravin Sheth, “In the
Countryside,” Seminar, November
1979.
(36)
Atyachar Virodh Samiti, “The Marathwada Riots: A
Report,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 12 May 1979.
(37)
Owen M. Lynch, “Rioting as Rational Action: An
Interpretation of the April 1978 Riots in Agra,” Economic and Political Weekly, 28
November 1981.
(38)
Jayakar, Indira
Gandhi, pp. 253-254, 263-264.
(39)
Madhu Limaye, Janata Party
Experiment: An Insider’s Account of Opposition
Politics (Delhi: B. R. Publishing, 1994), Vol. 1, p.
451.
(40)
New York Times, 30
October 1977.
(41)
Himmat, 10 March
1978.
(42)
James Manor, “Pragmatic Progressives in Regional
Politics: The Case of Devaraj Urs,” Economic
and Political Weekly, Annual No., February
1980.
(43)
Ramesh Chandran, “The Battle for Chikmaglur,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 5 November
1978.
(44)
Austin, Working a Democratic
Constitution, pp. 463-464.
(45)
This account of the conflicts within Janata and the
party’s split is based on A run Gandhi, The
Morarji Papers: Fall of the Janata Government (New
Delhi: Vision, 1983); Limaye, Janata Party
Experiment, Vol. 2; Terence J. Byres, “Charan Singh,
1902–1987: An Assessment,” Journal of
Peasant Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, 1987-1988; and
Himmat, 1978 and
1979.
(46)
Opinion, 16 October
1979.
(47)
Indira Gandhi to Fory Nehru, 17 April 1977, in Jayakar
Papers, Mumbai. Jayakar, Indira
Gandhi, p. 303, quotes this letter but leaves out the
crucial last sentence.
(48)
Himmat, 20 July
1979.
(49)
Jag Parvesh Chandra, Verdict on
Janata (New Delhi: Metropolitan, 1979), pp. 26, 96;
Thakur, All the Janata Men, pp.
148–150.
(50)
Himmat, 6 January
and 10 February 1978.
(51)
Sharad Karkhanis, quoted in Gandhi, The Morarji Papers,
pp. 97-98.
(52)
Austin, Working a Democratic
Constitution, pp. 403-404.
(53)
Illustrated Weekly of
India, 6 March 1977.
(54)
This account is based on Austin, Working a Democratic
Constitution, pp.
409–430. See also Soli Sorabjee, “Repairing the Constitution: The
Job Remains,” Himmat, 23 March
1979.
(55)
Kumar, The History of
Doing, especially chs. 6 to 8; Chhaya Datar,
Waging Change: Women Tobacco Workers in
Nipani Organise (New Delhi: Kali for Women,
1989).
(56)
For details, see Ramachandra Guha, How Much Should a Person Consume? Environmentalism
in India and the United States (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 2006), ch. 2, “The Indian Road to
Sustainability.”
(57)
This account is based on my own interactions with these
groups over the past three decades. Unfortunately, there is no
history of the civil liberties movement in modern India, and there
are no studies of its most important groups—such as the People’s
Union for Civil Liberties and the People’s Union for Democratic
Rights, both based in Delhi; the pioneering Association for the
Protection of Democratic Rights, based in Calcutta; the Committee
for the Protection of Democratic Rights, based in Bombay; and the
Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee, based in Hyderabad. Dr.
Sitarama Kakarala of the National Law School in Bangalore is
currently completing a book on the last-named
group.
(58)
Anil Sadgopal and Shyam Bahadur “Namra,” eds.,
Sangharh aur Nirman: Shankar Guha Niyogi
aur Unka Naye Bharat ka Sapna (Delhi: Rajkamal
Prakashan, 1993). Niyogi was murdered by a hired assassin—hired,
most likely, by local industrialists—in 1992. The title of this book
translates as “Struggle and Construction: Shankar Guha Niyogi and
His Dreams for a New India.”
(59)
Robin Jeffrey, India’s
Newspaper Revolution: Capitalism, Politics, and the
Indian-Language Press, 1977–1999 (London: C. Hurst,
2000).
الفصل الرابع والعشرون: ديمقراطية مبعثرة
(1)
Walter Schwarz, “Two-Party Democracy Faces a Test Run,”
Guardian, 14 May
1977.
(2)
Clipping from New York
Times, 4 April 1977; letter to S. K. De, dated 17
June 1977, both in Temp MSS. 577/81, Horace Alexander Papers,
Friends House, Euston.
(3)
Ibid., Horace Alexander to Indira Gandhi, 8 April
1977.
(4)
These figures on seats and vote shares come from the
statistical supplement to Journal of Indian
School of Political Economy, Vol. 15, Nos. 1 and 2,
2003. This was part of a special issue, “Political Parties and
Elections in Indian States: 1990–2003,” ed. Suhas Palshikar and
Yogendra Yadav.
(5)
Prabash joshi, “And Not Even a Dog Barked,” Tehelka, 2 July 2005; India Today, 1–15 January
1980.
(6)
See Mervyn Jones, Chances: An
Autobiography (London: Verso, 1987), p.
271.
(7)
Moin Shakir, “Election Participation of Minorities and
Indian Political System,” Economic and
Political Weekly, Annual No., February
1980.
(8)
Nalini Singh, “Elections As They Really Are,” Economic and Political Weekly, 24 May
1980.
(9)
Bashiruddin Ahmad, “Trends and Options,” Seminar, April
1980.
(10)
Typescript of interview with Bobby Harrypersadh, dated
31 May 1980, in Pupul Jayakar Papers, Mumbai.
(11)
India Today, 16–31
May 1980.
(12)
Hindu, 24 June
1980.
(13)
Tribune, 27 October
1980, copy in Pupul Jayakar Papers, Mumbai.
(14)
India Today, 16–31
August 1980.
(15)
M. V. Kamath, “Why Rajiv Gandhi?” Illustrated Weekly of India, 31 May
1981.
(16)
India Today, 1–15
December 1981.
(17)
These paragraphs on the Festival of India are based on
clippings and correspondence in MSS. Eur. F. 215/232,
OIOC.
(18)
Rajni Bakshi, The Long Haul:
The Bombay Textile Workers Strike (Bombay: BUILD
Documentation Centre, 1986); Meena Menon and Neera Adarkar,
One Hundred Years, One Hundred Voices:
The Millworkers of Girangaon—An Oral History
(Calcutta; Seagull, 2004). The strike, in effect, killed the city’s
textile industry, with most factories being declared “sick” by the
owners or the state. These mill lands are now the subject of much
controversy in Bombay; citizens want them to be used for
working-class housing or for parks, and real estate speculators hope
to turn them into luxury apartments and shopping
malls.
(19)
Jan Myrdal, India
Waits (Hyderabad: Sangam,
1984).
(20)
Mahasveta Devi, “Contract Labour or Bonded Lahour?”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 6 June 1981.
(21)
Darryl D’Monte, “In Santhal Parganas with Sibu Soren,”
Illustrated Weekly of India,
8 April 1979; Darryl D’Monte, “The Jharkhand Movement,” Times of India, 13 and 14 March 1979.
For wider historical overviews of the Jharkhand question, see Sajal
Basu, Jharkhand Movement: Ethnicity and
Culture of Silence (Shimla: Indian Institute of
Advanced Study, 1984); Susan B. C. Devalle, Discourses of Ethnicity: Culture and Protest in
Jharkhand (New Delhi: Sage, 1992); Nirmal Sengupta,
ed., Jharkhand: Fourth World
Dynamics (Delhi: Authors Guild,
1982).
(22)
See Shankar Guha Niyogi, “Chattisgarh and the National
Question,” in Nationality Question in India:
Seminar Papers (Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Radical
Students Union, 1982).
(23)
Bertil Lintner, Land of Jade: A
Journey through Insurgent Burma (Bangkok: White
Lotus, 1990), pp. 83-84 and passim.
(24)
“Report of a Fact-Finding Team,” in Luingam Luithui and
Nandita Haksar, eds., Nagaland File: A
Question of Human Rights (New Delhi: Lancer
International, 1984), ch. 21.
(25)
Personal communication from P. Sainath, who was
covering Andhra Pradesh politics at the time.
(26)
TOI, 30 March 1982; Sunday, 16 January 1983.
(27)
Sunday, 12 December
1982.
(28)
TOI, 10 January 1983.
(29)
M. Ramchandra Rao, “NTR—Victim of His Own Charisma?”
Janata, 24 April
1983.
(30)
Indian Express, 15
September 1983.
(31)
Myron Weiner, Sons of the Soil:
Migration and Ethnic Conflict in India (Princeton, N.
J.: Princeton University Press, 1978), ch. 3; Alaka Sarmah,
Immigration and Assam
Politics (Delhi: Ajanta, 1999); Anindita Dasgupra,
“Denial and Resistance: Sylhet Partition Refugees in Assam,”
Contemporary South Asia, Vol.
10, No. 3, 2001.
(32)
Amalendu Guha, “Little Nationalism Turned Chauvinist:
Assam’s Anti-Foreigner Upsurge 1979-1980,” Economic and Political Weekly, Annual No., October
1980.
(33)
Sanjih Baruah, India against
Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), especially
ch. 5; Tilotomma Misra, “Assam and the National Question,” in
Nationality Question in
India; Udayon Misra, The
Periphery Strikes Back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam
and Nagaland (Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced
Study, 2000), chs. 4 and 5.
(34)
Chaitanya Kalbagh, “The North-East: India’s
Bangladesh?” India Today, 1–15
May 1980.
(35)
Economic Times, 3
November 1980.
(36)
Quoted in TOI, 30 July 1980.
(37)
See T. S. Murty, Assam: The
Difficult Years—A Study of Political Developments in
1979–1983 (New Delhi: Himalayan,
1983).
(38)
Devdutt, “Assam Agitation: It Is Not the End of the
Tunnel,” Financial Express, 8
October 1980.
(39)
A wide-ranging and still valuable collection of essays
on Sikh political history is Paul Wallace and Surendra Chopra, eds.,
Political Dynamics of Punjab
(Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University Press,
1981).
(40)
There are various versions of the Anandpur Sahib
Resolution. I have here used the text as authenticated by Sant
Harcharan Singh Longowal and printed in White Paper on the Punjab Agitation (New Delhi):
Government of India Press, pp. 67–90.
(41)
In this account of the Punjab dispute, I have not
thought it necessary to give a note for every fact. Among the books
and articles I have found helpful are Robin Jeffrey, What’s Happening to India: Punjab, Ethnic
Conflict, and the Test for Federalism, 2nd ed.
(Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994); Chand Joshi, Bhindranwale: Myth and Reality (New Delhi: Vikas,
1984); Anup Chand Kapur, The Punjab
Crisis (Delhi: S. Chand, 1985); Ram Narayan Kumar,
The Sikh Unrest and the Indian
State (Delhi: Ajanta, 1997); Mark Tully and Satish
Jacob, Amritsar: Mrs. Gandhi’s Last
Battle (London: Pan, 1985); Satinder Singh, Khalistan: An Academic Analysis (New
Delhi: Amar Prakashan, 1982); Harjot Oberoi, “Sikh Fundamentalism:
Translating History into Theory,” in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott
Appleby, eds., Fundamentalisms and the
State (Chicago, 111; University of Chicago Press,
1996); Hamish Telford, “The Political Economy of Punjab: Creating
Space for Sikh Militancy,” Asian
Survey, Vol. 32, No. 11, November
1992.
(42)
For a provocative analysis of Bhindranwale’s sermons,
see Mark Juergensmeyer, “The Logic of Religious Violence: The Case
of the Punjab,” Contributions to Indian
Sociology, New Series, Vol. 22, No. 1,
1988.
(43)
Kagal, quoted in Paul Wallace, “Religious and Ethnic
Politics: Political Mobilization in Punjab,” in Francine R. Frankel
and M. S. A. Rao, eds., Dominance and State
Power in India: Decline of a Social Order (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1990), Vol. 2, p.
451.
(44)
See profile of Bhindranwale in India Today, 1–15 October 1981; and Murray J. Leaf,
Song of Hope: The Green Revolution in a
Panjab Village (New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers
University Press, 1984), ch. 7, “Religion.”
(45)
Clipping in MSS. Eur. F. 230/36,
OIOC.
(46)
Indian Express, 21
September 1981.
(47)
The verdicts, respectively, of Tully and Jacob,
Amritsar, p. 71; and Joshi,
Bhindranwale, p.
90.
(48)
For an insightful contemporary account of the pressures
on the Akalis to become more extreme, see Gopal Singh,
“Socio-Economic Bases of the Punjab Crisis,” Economic and Political Weekly, 7 January
1984.
(49)
Interview with Madhu Jain in Sunday, 4 September 1983; Rajinder Puri,
“Remembering 1984,” National
Review, November 2003.
(50)
Anne Vaugier-Chatrerjee, Historie politique du Pendjab de 1947 à nos jours
(Paris: L’Harmatran, 2001), pp. 158f.
(51)
On the significance of the Akal Takht, see Madanjit
Kaur, The Golden Temple: Past and
Present (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University Press,
1983), pp. 268–270.
(52)
Paul Wallace, “Religious and Secular Politics in
Punjab: The Sikh Dilemma in Competing Political Systems,” in Wallace
and Chopra, Political Dynamics of
Punjab, pp. 1-2.
(53)
M. J. Akbar, Riot after Riot:
Reports on Caste and Communal Violence in India (New
Delhi: Penguin India, 1988).
(54)
Achyut Yagnik, “Spectre of Caste War,” Economic and Political Weekly, 28 March
1981; Pradip Kumar Bose, “Social Mobility and Caste Violence: A
Study of the Gujarat Riots,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 18 April
1981.
(55)
Quoted in Moin Shakir, “An Analytical View of Communal
Violence,” in Asghar Ali Engineer, ed., Communal Riots in Post-Independence India, 2nd ed.
(Hyderabad: Sangam, 1991), p. 95.
(56)
For individual studies of these riots, see Akbar,
Riot after Riot; Engineer,
Communal Riots; the reports
by civil liberties groups; and articles published in Economic and Political Weekly during
these years.
(57)
The following paragraphs, identifying these themes, are
based on my own reading of the literature. See also Asghar Ali
Engineer, “An Analytical Study of the Meerut Riots,” PUCL Bulletin, Vol. 3, No. 1, January
1983.
(58)
George Mathew, “Politicisation of Religion: Conversions
to Islam in Tamil Nadu,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 19 June
1982.
(59)
See M. J. Akbar, India: The
Siege Within (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), pp.
197ff.
(60)
Balraj Puri, “Who Is Playing with Narional Interest?”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 11 February 1984.
(61)
Lieutenant General K. S. Brar, Operation Blue Star: The True Story (New Delhi: UBS,
1987), pp. 35–37. Since Brar led the operation, and since all
journalists had been evacuated beforehand, his book is essential in
any reconstruction of Operation Bluestar. However, it should be read
along with Tully and Jacob, Amritsar, which is based on interviews with
eyewitnesses and survivors.
(62)
Brar, Operation Blue
Star, p. 91.
(63)
Ibid., pp. 126-127.
(64)
Lieutenant General J. S. Aurora, “If Khalistan Comes,
the Sikhs Will Be the Losers,” in Patwant Singh and Harji Malik,
eds., Punjab: The Fatal
Miscalculation (New Delhi: Patwant Singh, 1985), p.
133.
(65)
J. S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the
Punjab, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1999), p. 227.
(66)
Shahnaz Anklesaria, “Fall-out of Army Action: A Field
Report,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 28 July 1984.
(67)
Sten Widmalm, “The Rise and Fall of Democracy in Jammu
and Kashmir, 1975–1989,” in Amrita Basu and Atul Kohli, eds.,
Community Conflicts and the State in
India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988);
B. K. Nehru, Nice Guys Finish
Second (New Delhi: Viking, 1997), pp.
627–641.
(68)
Week, 26 August
1984.
(69)
Indira Gandhi to Erna Sailer, 20 October 1984, copy in
jayakar Papers, Mumbai.
(70)
Pupul Jayakar, “31 October,” typescript, Jayakar
Papers, Mumbai.
(71)
This account of the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi is hased
on two works deservedly regarded as classics: Anon., Who Are the Guilty? Report of a Joint Inquiry into
the Cause and Impact of the Riots in Delhi from 31 October to 10
November (Delhi: PUDR and PUCL, 1984); Uma
Chakravarti and Nandita Haksar, The Delhi
Riots: Three Days in the Life of a Nation (New Delhi;
Lancer International, 1987). I have also drawn on conversations with
friends and colleagues who were active in providing relief after the
riots.
(72)
“The Violent Aftermath,” India
Today, 30 November 1984.
(73)
“Indira Gandhi’s Bequest,” Economic and Political Weekly, 3 November
1984.
(74)
Daniel Sutherland, “India Seen Facing Era of
Uncertainty,” New York Times, 1
November 1984; Henry Trewhitt, “U.S. Fears Assassination May Bring
Chaos in India, Rivalry in South Asia,” Sun, 1 November 1984.
الفصل الخامس والعشرون: صعود الابن الثاني
(1)
TOI, 4 December 1984.
(2)
Ibid., 14 December 1984.
(3)
Praful Bidwai, “What Caused the Pressure Build-Up,”
ibid., 26 December 1984.
(4)
Radhika Ramaseshan, “Profit against Safety,” Economic and
Political Weekly,
22–29 December 1984; Indian
Express, 5 December 1984. The tragedy at Bhopal has
had a tortured afterlife that is still continuing. The survivors and
their families have been ranged against the government (charged with
providing insufficient medical relief) and Union Carbide (charged
with paying paltry amounts of compensation).
(5)
Hari Jaisingh, India after
Indira: The Turbulent Years, 1984–1989 (New Delhi:
Allied, 1989), pp. 19-20; Business
India, 17–30 December 1984.
(6)
Harish Khare, “The State Goes Macho,” Seminar, January
1985.
(7)
Mani Shankar Aiyar, Remembering
Rajiv (Calcutta: Rupa, 1992), p.
53.
(8)
Harish Puri, “Punjab: Elections and After,” Economic and Political Weekly, 5
October 1985; India Today, 15
September and 15 October 1985.
(9)
India Today, 15
September 1985 and 15 January 1986; Sunday, 29 December-4 January
1986.
(10)
See Lalchungnunga, Mizoram:
Politics of Regionalism and
National Integration
(New Delhi: Reliance, 2002), App. D; and Sunday, 20–26 July 1986.
(11)
“Mizoram: Quest for Peace,” India Today, 31 July 1986.
(12)
S. S. Gill, The Dynasty: A
Political Biography of the Premier Ruling Family of Modern
India (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1996), pp.
394-395.
(13)
Business India, 31
December 1984–13 January 1985.
(14)
Shubhabrata Bhattacharya, “Rajiv Gandhi’s Discovery of
India,” Sunday, 22–28 September
1985.
(15)
Judgement in Criminal Appeal No. 103 of 1981, decided
on 23 April 1985 (Mohd. Ahmed Khan versus Shah Bano and Others),
Supreme Court Cases (1985), 2
SCC, pp. 556–574.
(16)
Hutokshi Doctor, “Shah Bano: Brief Glory,” Imprint, May
1986.
(17)
Danial Latifi, “Muslim Law,” in Alice Jacob, ed.,
Annual Survey of Indian Law,
Vol. 21 (New Delhi: Indian Law Institute,
1985).
(18)
Lok Sabha Debates,
23 August 1985.
(19)
Ritu Sarin, “Shah Bano: The Struggle and the
Surrender,” Sunday, 1–7 December
1985.
(20)
Statesman, 19
December 1985. (Editorial.)
(21)
Indian Express, 21
December 1985.
(22)
Vasudha Dhagamwar, “After the Shah Bano Judgement-II,”
TOI, 11 February 1986.
(23)
Eve’s Weekly, 29, 29
March-4 April 1986.
(24)
R. D. Pradhan, Working with
Rajiv Gandhi (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1995),
pp. 130-131.
(25)
Peter Van der Veer, Gods on
Earth; The Management of Religious Experience and Identity in a
North Indian Pilgrimage Centre (London: Athlone,
1988), especially ch. 1; Peter Van der Veer, “‘God Must Be
Liberated’: A Hindu Liberation Movement in Ayodhya,” Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2,
1987. Ayodhya’s sister town, Faizabad, gives its name to the
district. The official who gave the verdict was technically the
district judge of Faizabad.
(26)
Saifuddin Chowdhury, quoted in Sunday, 9–15 March 1986.
(27)
See articles by Neerja Chowdhury in Statesman, 20 April and 1 May 1986,
reprinted in A. G. Noorani, ed., The Babri
Masjid Question, Vol. 1 (New Delhi: Tulika, 2003),
pp. 260–266.
(28)
Inderjit Badhwar, “Hindus: Militant Revivalism,”
India Today, 31 May
1986.
(29)
Sant Ramsharaan Das of Banaras, writing in May
1989, quoted in Manjari Katju, Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics
(Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003), p.
73.
(30)
India Today, 15
March 1986; Sunday, 25–31 January
1987.
(31)
Rajni Bakshi, “The Rajput Revival,” Illustrated Weekly of India, 1 November
1987.
(32)
This figure comes from David Page and William Crawley,
Satellites over South Asia:
Broadcasting, Culture, and the Public Interest (New
Delhi: Sage, 2001), p. 56.
(33)
Arvind Rajagopal, Politics
after Television: Religious Nationalism and the Reshaping of the
Indian Public (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2001), p. 84.
(34)
Sevanti Ninan, Through the
Magic Window: Television and Change in India (New
Delhi: Penguin Books India, 1995), pp. 6–8.
(35)
Philip Lutgendorf, “Ramayan: The Video,” Drama Review, Vol. 34, No. 2, 1990, p.
128.
(36)
Robin Jeffrey, “Media Revolution and ‘Hindu Politics’
in North India, 1982— 1999,” Himal, July 2001. (Emphasis
added.)
(37)
Interview in Financial
Express, quoted in Supriya Roychowdhury, “State and
Business in India: The Political Economy of Liberalization,
1984–1989,” unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Politics,
Princeton University, pp. 100-101. See also Stanley A. Kochanek,
“Regulation and Liberalization in India,” Asian Survey, Vol. 26, No. 12,
1986.
(38)
See H. K. Paranjape, “New Lamps for Old! A Critique of
the ‘New Economic Policy,’” Economic and
Political Weekly, 7 September
1985.
(39)
See reports in India
Today, 15 March and 15 April
1985.
(40)
T. N. Ninan, “Rise of the Middle Class,” India Today, 31 December 1985. See also
“The Rising Affluence of the Middle Class,” Sunday, 29 October–1 November
1986.
(41)
Roychowdhury, State and
Business in India, pp. 73,
122.
(42)
T. N. Ninan and jagannath Dubashi, “Dhirubhai Ambani:
The Super Tycoon,” India Today,
30 June 1985; T. N. Ninan, “Reliance: Under Pressure,” India Today, 15 August 1986; Perez
Chandra, “Reliance: The Man behind the Legend,” Business India, 17–30 June 1985;
Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, “The Two Faces of Dhirubhai Ambani,”
Seminar, January
2003.
(43)
“Crony Capitalism,” Sunday, 2–8 October 1988; Teesta Setalvad, “Pawar,
Politics, and Money,” Business
India, 10–23 July 1989; Sankarshan Thakur, “How
Corrupt Is Bhajan Lal?” Sunday,
21–27 July 1985.
(44)
Indranil Banerjie, “The New Maharajahs,” Sunday, 17–23 April
1988.
(45)
See Niraja Gopal Jayal, Democracy and the State: Welfare, Secularism and Development in
Contemporary India (Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1999), pp. 46ff; “The Wretched of Kalahandi,” Sunday, 19–25 January
1986.
(46)
R. Jagannathan, “Welcome to Hard Times,” Sunday, 6–12 September
1987.
(47)
M. V. Nadkarni, Farmers’
Movements in India (New Delhi: Allied, 1987); “New
Farmers’ Movements in India,” Journal of
Peasant Studies, Special Issue, Vol. 21, No. 2,
1993-1994.
(48)
Vijay Naik and Shailaja Prasad, “On Levels of Living of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes,” Economic and Political Weekly, 28 July
1984.
(49)
Tanka B. Subba, Ethnicity,
State, and Development: A Case Study of the Gorkhaland Movement
in Darjeeling (New Delhi: Har-Anand, 1992); “Peace in
the Angry Hills?” Sunday, 24–30
July 1988.
(50)
Sunday, 27 August–2
September 1989; India Today, 15
September 1989; Business India,
26 June–9 July 1989.
(51)
Sunday, 25–31
January 1987 and 28 August–3 September 1988.
(52)
Shekhar Gupta, “Punjab Extremists: Calling the Shots,”
India Today, 28 February
1986.
(53)
See India Today, 30
April 1986 and 15 September 1988; and Sunday, 3–9 January 1986. The violation of human
rights by the police in Punjab through the 1980s and 1990s is
extensively documented in Ram Narayan Kumar et al., Reduced to Ashes: The Insurgency and Human Rights
in Punjab (Kathmandu: South Asia Forum for Human
Rights, 2003).
(54)
Sunday, 19–25 May
1985, 19–25 July 1987, and 20–26 March and 1–7 June 1988; India Today, 15 June and 31 December
1986.
(55)
Shekhar Gupta and Vipin Mudgal, “Operation Black
Thunder: A Dramatic Success,” India
Today, 15 June 1988.
(56)
India Today, 30
November 1986.
(57)
Widmalm, “The Rise and Fall of Democracy in Jammu and
Kashmir,” pp. 167ff.
(58)
Sunday, 9–15 July
1989.
(59)
See, among other works, A. Jeyaratnam Wilson, Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and
Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
(London: C. Hurst, 2000); Sankaran Krishna, Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka, and the Question
of Nationhood (Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2000).
(60)
Shekhar Gupta, “Operation Pawan: In a Rush to
Vanquish,” India Today, 31
January 1988.
(61)
Lieutenant General S. C. Sardeshpande, Assignment Jaffna (New Delhi: Lancer,
1992).
(62)
Krishna, Postcolonial
Insecurities, p. 154 and
passim.
(63)
See Gill, Dynasty,
pp. 474–477.
(64)
India Today, 15 June
1989.
(65)
“The Ugly Indian,” Sunday, 12–18 July 1987.
(66)
Sunday, 28
September–4 October 1988.
(67)
Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, The
Demolition: India at the Crossroads (New Delhi:
HarperCollins India, 1994), pp. 260–262. See also Christophe
Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement
and Indian Politics, 1925 to the 1990s (New Delhi:
Penguin India, 1999), pp. 383ff.
(68)
See People’s Union for Democratic Rights, Bhagalpur Riots (New Delhi: PUDR,
1990).
(69)
Chitra Subramaniam, Bofors: The
Story behind the News (New Delhi: Viking,
1993).
(70)
India Today, 31
March and 15 October 1988; Sunday, 30 October–5
November 1988.
(71)
This Defamation Bill is discussed in M. V. Desai, “The
Indian Media,” in Marshall M. Bouton and Philip Oldenburg, eds.,
India Briefing, 1989
(Boulder, Colo; Westview, 1989).
(72)
India Today, 15
January 1989.
(73)
Sunday, 12–18 March
1989.
(74)
lndranil Banerjie, “Mera Dynasty Mahan,” Sunday, 1–7 October
1989.
(75)
See India Today, 31
October 1989; Sunday, 12–18
November 1989.
(76)
Vir Sanghvi, “A Vote for Change,” Sunday, 3–9 December
1989.
(77)
Sunday, 16–22 June
1985.
(78)
Kewal Varma, “The Politics of V. P. Singh,”
Sunday, 19–25 April
1987.
(79)
T. S. Murty, Assam: The
Difficult Years: A Study of Political Developments in
1979–1983 (New Delhi: Himalayan, 1983), p.
vi.
(80)
Lieutenant General R.S. Brar, Operation Blue Star (New Delhi: UBS, 1993), p.
4.
الجزء الخامس: سِجِلُّ الوقائع
الفصل السادس والعشرون: الحقوق
(1)
M. N. Srinivas, “Caste in Modern India,” Presidential
Address to the Section of Anthropology and Archaeology, Proceedings of the Indian Science Congress,
Calcutta, 1957, Part 2, pp.
123–142.
(2)
The press reactions to his talk are discussed in M. N.
Srinivas, Caste in Modern India and Other
Essays (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962),
Introduction.
(3)
Andre Beteille, Society and
Politics in Modern India (London: Athlone, 1991);
Beteille, “Caste and Colonial Rule,” Hindu, 4 March 2002.
(4)
The political assertion of the backward castes through
the 1960s and 1970s is described in Christophe Jaffrelot, India’s Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Low
Castes in North Indian Politics (Delhi: Permanent
Black, 2003). See also D. L. Sheth, “Secularisation of Caste and
Making of New Middle Class,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 21–28 August
1999.
(5)
Report of the Backward
Classes Commission (Delhi: Controller of
Publications, 1980), Vol. 1, p. 57.
(6)
Andre Beteille, “Distributive Justice and Institutional
Wellbeing,” Economic and Political
Weekly, Special No., March 1991; Dharma Kumar, “The
Affirmative Action Debate in India,” Asian
Survey, Vol. 32, No. 3, March 1992; Norio Kondo, “The
Backward Classes Movement and Reservation in Tamil Nadu and Uttar
Pradesh: A Comparative Perspective,” in Mushirul Hasan and Nariaki
Nakazato, eds., The Unfinished Agenda:
Nation-Building in South Asia (Delhi: Manohar,
2001).
(7)
Jaffrelot, India’s Silent
Revolution, pp. 345–347.
(8)
See Paranjoy Guha Thakurta and Shankar Raghuraman,
A Time of Coalitions: Divided We
Stand (New Delhi: Sage, 2004).
(9)
Surendra Malik, comp., Supreme Court Mandal Commission Case, 1992
(Lucknow: Eastern, 1992), pp. 180, 196, 379, 387, 412, 424,
etc.
(10)
“In Search of the Messiah,” Sunday, 31 August–6 September
1988.
(11)
Jaffrelot, India’s Silent
Revolution, ch. 11.
(12)
Ghanshyam Shah, ed., Dalits and
the State (New Delhi: Concept.
2002).
(13)
This account of Kanshi Ram and the rise of the BSP
draws on Sudha Pai, Dalit Assertion and the
Unfinished Democratic Revolution: The Bahujan Samaj Party in
Uttar Pradesh (New Delhi: Sage, 2002); and Kanchan
Chandra, Why Ethnic Parties Succeed:
Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2004), ch. 8.
(14)
Badri Narayan, “Heroes, Histories, and Booklets,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 13 October 2001.
(15)
Pai, Dalit
Assertion, pp. 95–97; Shikha Trivedy, “Mayawati,”
essay to he published in a forthcoming volume on Indian women
politicians edited by Malavika Singh.
(16)
James Cameron, An Indian
Summer (London: Macmillan, 1974), p.
122.
(17)
André Bereillé, “The Scheduled Castes: An
Inter-Regional Perspective,” Journal of
Indian School of Political Economy, Vol. 12, Nos. 3
and 4, 2000.
(18)
Hugo Gorringe, Untouchable
Citizens: Dalit Movements and Democratisation in Tamil
Nadu (New Delhi: Sage, 2005), p.
112.
(19)
The posthumous political importance of Ambedkar awaits
a serious scholarly analysis. For clues to how important he is to
the Dalit consciousness today, see, among other works, Chandra Bhan
Prasad, Dalit Diary: 1999–2003
(Chennai: Navayana, 2004); and Fernando Franco, Jyotsna Macwan, and
Suguna Ramanathan, Journeys to Freedom:
Dalit Narratives (Kolkata; Samya,
2004).
(20)
See S. Viswanathan, Dalits in
Dravidian Land (Chennai: Navayana, 2005). See also
Haruka Yanagisawa, A Century of Change:
Caste and Irrigated Lands in Tamilnadu, 1860s–1970s
(New Delhi: Manohar, 1996), ch. 7.
(21)
People’s Union for Democratic Rights, Jhajhar Dalit Lynching: The Politics of Cow
Protection in Haryana (New Delhi: PUDR,
2003).
(22)
See Mark Juergensmeyer, Religion as Social Vision: The Movement against Untouchability
tn Twentieth-Century Punjab (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1982); Harish K. Puri, “Scheduled Castes in Sikh
Community: A Historical Perspective,” Economic and Political Weekly, 28 June
2003.
(23)
Ronki Ram, “Limits of Untouchability: Dalit Assertion
and Caste Violence in Punjab,” in Harish K. Puri, ed., Dalits in Regional Context (Jaipur:
Rawat, 2004); Surinder S. Jodhka and Prakash Louis, “Caste Tensions
in Punjab: Talhan and Beyond,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 12 July
2003.
(24)
Shashi Bhushan Singh, “Limits to Power: Naxalism and
Caste Relations in a South Bihar Village,” Economic and Political Weekly, 16 July
2005.
(25)
Mukul Sharma, “The Untouchable Present: Everyday Life
of Musahars in North Bihar,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 4 December
1999.
(26)
Bela Bhatia, “The Naxalite Movement in Central Bihar,”
PhD thesis, Faculty of Social and Political Studies, Cambridge
University, 2000. See also Bhatia, “The Naxalite Movement in Central
Bihar,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 9 April 2005.
(27)
See Labour File,
Vol. 4, Nos. 5 and 6, 1998, p. 39.
(28)
Bhatia, “The Naxalite Movement,” pp. 134, 87. (My
translation.)
(29)
C. P. Surendran, “On the Run with the Ranvir Sena,”
Sunday Times of India, 26
Fehruary 1999.
(30)
See Hindu, 14
November 2005.
(31)
People’s Union for Democratic Rights, Satpura ki Gbati: People’s Struggle in
Hoshangabad (New Delhi: PUDR,
1992).
(32)
Rahul, “The Bhils: A People under Threat,” Humanscape, Vol. 8, No. 8, September
2001; and Budhan; The Denotified and Nomadic
Tribes Rights Action Group Newsletter, various
issues.
(33)
Amita Baviskar, In the Belly of
the River: Adivasi Battles over “Development” in the Narmada
Valley (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995);
Jean Dreze, Meera Samson, and Satyajit Singh, eds., The Dam and the Nation (New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1998).
(34)
India Today, 31
December 1999.
(35)
Manoj Joshi, The Lost
Rebellion: Kashmir in the Nineties (New Delhi:
Penguin, 1999), chs. 1 and 2, See also Tavleen Singh, Kashmir: A Tragedy of Errors (New
Delhi: Viking, 1995).
(36)
Smita Gupta, “The Rise and Rise of Terrorism in
Kashmir,” Telegraph, 21 April
1990.
(37)
Schofield, Kashmir in
Conflict, p. 147.
(38)
These headlines are from various news reports
filed in the Centre for Education and Documentation,
Bangalore.
(39)
Telegraph, 27 May
1990; joshi, The Lost Rebellion,
pp. 72-73.
(40)
Amnesty International, “Urgent Action” Reports Nos. UA
102 and 108, 1991; copies in the files of the Centre for Education
and Documentation, Bangalore.
(41)
V. M. Tarkunde et al., “Report on Kashmir
Situation,” in Asghar Ali Engineer, ed., Secular Crown on Fire: The Kashmir
Problem (Delhi: Ajanta, 1992), pp.
210–223.
(42)
See Chandana Bhattacharjee, Ethnicity and Autonomy Movement: Case of Bodo-Kacharis of
Assam (New Delhi: Vikas, 1996); Sudhir Jacob George,
“The Bodo Movement in Assam: Unrest to Accord,” Asian Survey, Vol. 34, No. 10, October
1994
(43)
Sanjoy Hazarika, Strangers of
the Night: Tales of War and Peace from India’s
Northeast (New Delhi: Penguin, 1995), pp. 167–226.
See also Sanjib Baruah, “The State and Separatist Militancy in
Assam: Winning a Battle and Losing the War?” Asian Survey, Vol. 34, No. 10, October
1994.
(44)
Anindita Dasgupta, “Tripura’s Brutal Cul de Sac,”
Himal, December
2001.
(45)
Bhagat Oinam, “Patterns of Ethnic Conflict in the
North-East: A Study on Manipur,” Economic
and Political Weekly, 24 May 2003; U. A. Shimray,
“Socio-Political Unrest in the Region Called North-East India,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 16 Octoher 2004.
(46)
These quotes are from interviews with Muivah in
Times of India, 2 March 2005,
and Hindu, 29 April
2005.
(47)
See J. B. Lama, “Naga Peace: Will the Factions Fall
In?” Statesman, 18 May
1999.
(48)
Seema Hussain, “Manipur: Burning Anger,” Week, 1 July
2001.
(49)
R. K. Ranjan Singh, “Refugee Problem in Manipur: A
Smouldering Volcano,” Grassroots
Options, Novemher-December 1996; Deepak K. Singh,
“Stateless Chakmas in Arunachal Pradesh: From ‘Rejected People’ to
‘Unwanted Migrants,’” Social Sciences
Research Journal, Vol. 9, No. 1, 2001; Walter
Fernandes, “IMDT Act and Immigration in North-Eastern India,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 23 July 2005.
(50)
Rishang Keishing, quoted in Ved Marwah, Uncivil Wars: Pathology of Terrorism in
India (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1995), p.
295.
(51)
N. Lokendra Singh, “Women, Family, Society, and
Politics in Manipur (1970–2000),” Contemporary India, Vol. 1, No. 4,
2002.
(52)
People’s Union for Democratic Rights, Why the AFSPA Must Go (New Delhi: PUDR,
2005); Telegraph, 16 July 2004
(front-page photographs); Sushanta Talukdar, “Manipur on Fire,”
Frontline, 10 September
2004.
(53)
Nirmala Ganapathy, “Billionth Baby Put through Hell,”
New Indian Express, 12 May
2000.
(54)
Mahendra K. Premi, “The Missing Girl Child,” Economic and Political Weekly, 26 May
2001; P. N. Mari Bhart, “On the Trail of ‘Missing’ Indian Females,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 21 and 28 December
2002.
(55)
Ravinder Kaur, “Across-Region Marriages: Poverty,
Female Migration, and the Sex Ratio,” Economic and Political Weekly, 19 June 2004; Prem
Chowdhry, “Crisis of Masculinity in Haryana: The Unmarried, the
Unemployed, and the Aged,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 3 December
2005
(56)
Data collated and analysed in Preet Rustogi,
“Significance of Gender-Related Development Indicators: An Analysis
of Indian States,” Indian Journal of Gender
Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3, 2004.
(57)
Although it was published more than a decade ago, Radha
Kumar’s A History of Doing
remains the best single guide to the history of the Indian women’s
movement. One must also mention the magazine Manushi, now in its thirtieth year of publication,
and the publishing house Kali for Women, which has brought our more
than 100 books on themes as varied as the law, the environment,
social protest, and the economy.
(58)
Quoted in New Indian
Express, 30 August 2005. See also Bina Agarwal,
A Field of One’s Own: Gender and Land
Rights in South Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1994); Asha Nayar-Basu, “Of Fathers and Sons,” Telegraph, 11 October
2005.
(59)
Anon., “A Blueprint for Mizoram,” Grassroots Options, Monsoon 1999;
Sudipta Bhattacharjee, “How to Be Thirteenth Time Lucky,” Telegraph 30 June 1999; Nitin Gokhale,
“Meghna Naidu in Aizawl,” Tehelka, 9 October 2004.
(60)
Sarabjit Singh, Operation Black
Thunder: An Eyewitness Account of Terrorism in Punjab
(New Delhi: Sage, 2002), especially chs. 22 through
30.
(61)
See Anne Vaugier-Charterjee, “Strains on Punjab
Governance: An Assessment of the Badal Government (1997–1999),”
International Journal of Punjab
Studies, Vol. 7, No. 1, 2000.
(62)
“The Dynamic Sikhs,” Outlook, 29 March 1999.
(63)
Singh, Operation Black
Thunder, p. 338.
الفصل السابع والعشرون: أعمال الشغب
(1)
Guru Golwalkar, “Total Prohibition of
Cow-Slaughter,” Hitavada,
26 October 1952. (Emphasis in
original.)
(2)
Richard H. Davis, “The Iconography of Rama’s Chariot,”
in David Ludden, ed., Making India Hindu:
Religion, Community, and the Politics of Democracy in
India, 2nd ed. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1996).
(3)
Ibid., p. 46.
(4)
Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist
Movement, pp. 420–422.
(5)
See Paul Brass, The Production
of Hindu-Muslim Violence in
Contemporary India
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp.
110–123.
(6)
See Katju, Vishua Hindu
Parishad, p. 65.
(7)
Madhav Godbole, Unfinished
Innings: Recollections and Reflections of a Civil
Servant (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1996), pp.
344–353.
(8)
P. V. Narasimha Rao, Ayodhya: 6
December 1992 (New Delhi: Viking, 2006), pp.
99-100.
(9)
Godbole, Unfinished
Innings, p. 363.
(10)
Quoted in Sunday,
6–12 December 1992.
(11)
This account of the demolition of the Babri Masjid is
based mainly on Dilip Awasthi, “A Nation’s Shame,” India Today, 31 December 1992. But see
also Harinder Baweja, “Today, 10 Years Ago: What Really Happened,”
Asian Age, 6 December
2002.
(12)
The conversation was reported in Sunday, 13–19 December
1992.
(13)
K. R. Malkani, The Politics of
Ayodhya and Hindu-Muslim Relations (New Delhi:
Har-Anand, 1993), pp. 3-4.
(14)
Quoted in Venkitesh Ramakrishnan, “The Wrecking Crew,”
Frontline, 1 January
1993.
(15)
Arun Shourie, “The Buckling State,” in
Jitendra Bajaj, ed., Ayodhya and the
Future India (Madras: Centre for Policy Studies,
1993), pp. 47–70.
(16)
Francine R. Frankel, India’s
Political Economy. 1947–2004: The Gradual Revolution,
2nd ed. (New Delhi: Oxford Universiity Press, 2005), pp.
714-715.
(17)
See “Bloody Aftermath,” India
Today, 31 December 1992.
(18)
Clarence Fernandez and Naresh Fernandes, “The Winter of
Discontent,” in Dileep Padgaonkar, ed., When
Bombay Burned (New Delhi: UBSPD, 1993), pp.
12–41.
(19)
Kalpana Sharma, “Chronicle of a Riot Foretold,” in
Sujata Patel and Alice Thorner, Bombay:
Metaphor for Modern India (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1999), p. 277.
(20)
Translated from Marathi and quoted in
Purandare, The Sena
Story, p. 369.
(21)
Clarence Fernandez and Naresh Fernandes, “A City at War
with Itself,” in Padga-onkar, When Bombay
Burned, pp. 42–104; Sharma, “Chronicle,” pp.
278–286.
(22)
“Bombay Has Lost Its Character,” Afternoon Dispatch and Courier, 10
January 1993, reprinted in “Busybee,” When
Bombay Was Bombed: Best of 1992-1993 (Bombay: Oriana,
2004).
(23)
Quoted in Lise McKean, Divine
Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement
(Chicago, 111; University of Chicago Press, 1996), p.
315.
(24)
Asoka Mehta, The Political Mind
of India (Bombay. Socialist Party, 1952), p.
38.
(25)
Taya Zinkin and Maurice Zinkin, “The Indian General
Elections,” World Today, Vol. 8,
No. 5, May 1952.
(26)
Susanne Hoeber and Lloyd I. Rudolph, “The Centrist
Future of Indian Politics,” Asian
Survey, Vol. 20, No. 6, June
1980.
(27)
See the evidence and testimony in Peter Gottshcalk,
Beyond Hindu and Muslim: Multiple
Identities in Narratives from Village India (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001).
(28)
Khadar Mohiuddin, “Birthmark,” in Velcheru Narayana
Rao, ed. and trans., Twentieth Century
Telugu Poetry: An Anthology (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2002), pp. 221–227.
(29)
D. R. Goyal, Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangh, 2nd ed., (New Delhi:
Radhakrishna Prakashan, 2000), pp. 17-18. For a fuller
expositon of this ideology, as it were, from the horse’s
mouth, see M. S. Golwalkar, Bunch of
Thoughts (Bangalore: Vikrama Prakashan,
1966).
(30)
On the growth of the RSS since 1947, see, among other
works, Tapan Basu et al., Khaki Shorts and
Saffron Flags; A Critique of the Hindu Right
(Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1993); Thomas Blom Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism
in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999);
Pralay Kanungo, “Hindutva’s Entry into a ‘Hindu Province’: Early
Years of RSS in Orissa,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 2 August 2003; Nandini Sundar,
“Teaching to Hate: RSS’s Pedagogical Programme,” Economic and Political Weekly, 17 April
2004.
(31)
See Thomas Blom Hansen, Urban
Violence in India: Identity Politics, “Mumbai,” and the
Postcolonial City (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2001), p.
85.
(32)
Neerja Chowdhury, “Sonia Takes a Political Dip at the
Kumbh,” New Indian Express, 20
January 2001.
(33)
On this last incident, see Telegraph, 25 January 1999.
(34)
On the latter question, see P. N. Mari Bhatt and A. J.
Francis Zavier, “Role of Religion in Fertility Decline: The Case of
Indian Muslims,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 29 January 2005.
(35)
See Ashish Sharma, “Losing Their Religion,” Express Magazine, 9 July
2000.
(36)
This paragraph draws on, among other works, M. K. A.
Siddiqui, Muslims in Free India: Their
Social Profile and Problems (New Delhi: Institute of
Objective Studies, 1998); Abusaleh Shariff, “On the Margins: Muslims
in a State of Socio-Economic Decline,” TOI, 22 October 2004;
Yogendra Sikand, “Lessons of the Past: Madrasa Education in South
Asia,” Himal, Vol. 14, No. 11,
November 2001; Yogendra Sikand, “Countering Fundamentalism: The Ban
on SIMI,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 6 October 2001; Arjumand Ara, “Madrasas and
Making of Muslim Identity in India,” Economic and Political Weekly, 3 January
2004.
(37)
Navnita Chadha Behera, State,
Identity, and Violence: Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh
(New Delhi: Manohar, 2000), p. 179.
(38)
Sonia Jabbar, “Spirit of Place,” in Civil Lines 5: New Writing from
India (New Delhi: Indialnk, 2001), pp.
28-29.
(39)
Reports in Telegraph,
1 April 1990; Frontline, 14–27
April 1990; Illustrated Weekly of
India, 17 June 1990; TOI, 11 February 1991. See also
Alexander Evans, “A Departure from History: Kashmiri Pandits,
1990–2001,” Contemporary South Asia,
Vol. 11, No. 1,2002.
(40)
See Praveen Swami, “The Nadimarg Outrage,” Frontline, 25 April
2003.
(41)
This paragraph is based on Hasan Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army,
and America’s War on Terror (Armonk, N.Y; Sharpe,
2005), chs. 9 and 10. The quote comes from Tariq Ali, The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads,
and Modernity (London: Verso, 2002), p.
196.
(42)
Yoginder Sikand, “Changing Course of Kashmiri Struggle:
From National Liberation to Islamist Jihad,” Economic and Political Weekly, 20 January
2001.
(43)
Pamela Constable, “Selective Truths,” in Guns and Roses: Essays on the Kargil
War (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1999), p. 52;
Hafiz Mohammed Saeed, interviewed by Amir Mir in Outlook, 23 July
2001.
(44)
See Anil Nauriya, “The Destruction of a Historic
Party,” Mainstream, 17
August 2002; Praveen Swami, “The Killing of Lone,” Frontline, 21 June
2002.
(45)
See news report in TOI, 24 January 1990; Joshua Hammer,
“Srinagar Dispatch,” New
Republic, 12 November 2001.
(46)
Reeta Chowdhuri-Tremblay, “Differing Responses to the
Parliamentary and Assembly Elections in Kashmir’s Regions, and
State-Societal Relations,” in Paul Wallace and Ramashray Roy, eds.,
India’s 1999 Elections and
Twentieth-Century Politics (New Delhi: Sage,
2003).
(47)
Prabhu Ghate, “Kashmir: The Dirty War,” Economic and Political Weekly, 26
January 2002.
(48)
Muzamil Jaleel, “I Have Seen My Country Die,” Telegraph, 26 May
2002.
(49)
James Buchan, “Kashmir,” Granta, No. 57, Spring 1997, p.
66.
(50)
See Noorani, ed.; The Babri
Masjid Question, Vol. 2, pp.
197ff.
(51)
See Jyoti Punwani, “The Carnage at Godhra,” in
Siddharth Varadarajan, ed., Gujarat: The
Making of a Tragedy (New Delhi: Penguin,
2002).
(52)
Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic
Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002), especially pp. 229-230,
240-241, 275–277; Jan Breman, “Ghettoization and Communal Politics:
The Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in the Hindutva Landscape,”
in Ramachandra Guha and Jonathan Parry, eds., Institutions and Inequalities: Essays for Andre
Beteille (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999);
Udit Chaudhuri, “Gujarat: The Riots and the Larger Decline,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 2–9 November 2002.
(53)
Nandini Sundar, “A License to Kill: Patterns of
Violence in Gujarat,” in Varadarajan, ed., Gujarat; Achyut Yagnik and Suchitra Sheth, The Shaping of Modern Gujarat: Plurality,
Hindutva, and Beyond (New Delhi: Penguin, 2005), ch.
11; report by Ashis Chakrabarti, Telegraph, 18 May 2002.
(54)
Bela Bhatia, “A Step Back in Sabarkantha,” Seminar, May
2002.
(55)
Anand Soondas, “Gujarat’s Children of a Lesser God,”
Telegraph, 13 March 2002;
“Gujarat Villagers Set Terms for Muslims to Come Home,” New Indian Express, 6 May
2002.
(56)
Varadarajan, Gujarat, pp. 22f. For a profile of Narendra Modi,
see Sankarshan Thakur, “The Man Who Could Be Prime Minister,”
Man’s Worlds December
2002.
(57)
Frontline, 1 January
1993; Sunday, 13–19 December
1992; India Today, 31 December
1992.
(58)
Michael S. Serrill, “India: The Holy War,” Time, 21 December
1992.
(59)
Times, 7 and 8
December 1992.
(60)
Geoffrey Morehouse, “Chronicle of a Death Foretold,”
Guardian, 10 March
2001.
(61)
Paul R. Brass, The Politics of
India since Independence, 2nd ed. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 353-354, 365-366,
348-349.
الفصل الثامن والعشرون: الحُكَّام
(1)
Anon., “After Nehru…,” EW, Special No. July
1958.
(2)
When, in a column in the newspaper Hindu, I quoted from this prescient
essay, correspondents wrote in to suggest who the anonymous writer
might be. One who read the essay when it first appeared speculated
that the author might have been Nehru himself. Another (and in my
view more likely) candidate is Penderel Moon, the former ICS officer
who worked with the government of India for a decade after
independence before retiring to All Souls College,
Oxford.
(3)
See M. P. Singh and Rekha Saxena, India at the Polls: Parliamentary Elections in the
Federal Phase (Hyderabad: Orient Longman,
2003).
(4)
E. Sridharan, “Coalition Strategies and the BJP’s
Expansion, 1989–2004,” Commonwealth and
Comparative Politics, Vol. 43, No. 2,
2005.
(5)
See Rasheed Kidwai, Sonia: A
Biography (New Delhi: Viking Penguin,
2003).
(6)
Harish Khare, “Reloading the Family Matrix,” Seminar, June
2003.
(7)
E. Sridharan, “Electoral Coalitions in 2004 General
Elections: Theory and Evidence,” Economic
and Political Weekly, 18 December
2004.
(8)
These paragraphs on the changes in the party system
draw on, among other works, E. Sridharan, “The Fragmentation of the
Indian Party System, 1952–1999: Seven Competing Explanations,” in
Zoya Hasan, ed., Parties and Party Politics
in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002);
Mahesh Rangarajan, “Congress in Crisis,” Seminar, January 2003; M. J. Akbar, “Prop and
Proposition,” Asian Age, 13 July
2003; Giuseppe Flora, “The Crisis of 1989–1992: Some Reflections,”
in K. N. Bakshi and F. Scialpi, eds., India
1947–1997: Fifty Years of Independence (Rome:
Istituto Italiano per L’Africa e L’Oriente,
2002).
(9)
Robin Jeffrey, “‘No Party Dominant’: India’s New
Political System,” Himal, March
2002, p. 41.
(10)
These studies are summarized in Sunil Jain, “Vote
Vajpayee,” Business Standard, 16
February 2004.
(11)
This account is based on S. Guhan, The Cauvery River Water Dispute: Towards
Conciliation (Madras: Frontline, 1993), and Ramaswamy
R. Iyer, Water: Perspectives, Issues,
Concerns (New Delhi: Sage, 2003),
ch. 3.
(12)
Ramaswamy R. Iyer, “Punjab Water Imbroglio,” Economic and Political Weekly, 31 July
2004; Satyapal Dang, “Amrinder Singh and River Water Dispute,”
Mainstream, 4 September
2004.
(13)
See D. Bandyopadhyay, Saila K. Ghosh, and Buddhadeb
Ghosh, “Dependency versus Autonomy: Identity Crisis of India’s
Panchayats,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 20 September 2003.
(14)
For details, see Mahi Pal, “Panchayati Raj and Rural
Governance: Experiences of a Decade,” Economic and Political Weekly, 10 January
2004.
(15)
See T. M. Thomas Isaac and Richard W. Franke, Local Democracy and Development: People’s Campaign
for Decentralized Planning in Kerala (New Delhi:
LeftWord, 2000); and Jos Chathukulam and M. S. John, “Five Years of
Participatory Government in Kerala: rhetoric and Reality,” Economic and Political Weekly,
7 December 2002.
(16)
Rashmi Sharma, “Kerala’s Decentralisation: Idea in
Practice,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 6 September 2003; Pranab Bardhan and Dilip
Mookherjee, “Poverty Alleviation Efforts of Panchayats in West
Bengal,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 28 February 2004; Arild Engelsen Ruud,
Poetics of Village Politics: The Making
of West Bengal’s Rural Communism (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2003); Nirmal Mukherji and D. Bandopadhyay, “New
Horizons for West Bengal Panchayats,” in Amitava Mukherjee, ed.,
Decentralization: Panchayats in the
Nineties (New Delhi: Vikas,
1994).
(17)
There is a growing academic literature on these
questions. See, inter alia, the essays by Niraja Gopal Jayal, Bishnu
N. Mohapatra, and Sudha Pai in “Democracy and Social Capital,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, Special Issue, 24 February 2001; S. Sumathi
and V. Sudarsen, “What Does the New Panchayat System Guarantee: A
Case Study of Pappapatti,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 20 August
2005.
(18)
See the critique of Nehru’s views in Jaswant Singh,
Defending India (Bangalore:
Macmillan India, 1999), pp. 29, 39, 42-43, 57-58,
etc.
(19)
Stephen P. Cohen, India:
Emerging Power (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2001), pp. 144-145.
(20)
Anupam Srivastava, “India’s Growing Missile Ambitions:
Assessing the Technical and Strategic Dimensions,” Asian Survey, Vol. 40, No, 2,
2000.
(21)
George Perkovich, India’s
Nuclear Bomb: The Impact on Global Proliferation
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp.
364–376.
(22)
Ibid., p. 412.
(23)
Quoted in Raj Chengappa, Weapons of Peace: The Secret Story of India’s Quest to Be a
Nuclear Power (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 2000),
pp. 51-52.
(24)
See Paul R. Dettman, India
Changes Course: Golden Jubilee to Millennium
(Westport, Conn; Praeger, 2001), pp. 41f.
(25)
Interview in Newsline (Karachi), June
1998.
(26)
Bhumitra Chakma, “Toward Pokharan II: Explaining
India’s Nuclearisation Process,” Modern
Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 1,
2005.
(27)
For the links between the tests of 1998 and India’s
wider ambitions, see Hilary Synnott, The
Causes and Consequences of South Asia’s Nuclear
Tests, Adelphi Paper 332 (London: International
Institute for Strategic Studies, 1999); and Ashok Kapur, Pokharan and Beyond: India’s Nuclear
Behaviour (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001).
The arguments of the critics of India’s nuclear ambitions are
collected in M. V. Ramanna and C. Rammanohar Reddy, eds., Prisoners of the Nuclear Dream
(Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003).
(28)
India Today, 1 March
1999.
(29)
On why and how Pakistan planned the Kargil operation,
see Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into
Extremism, pp. 169–174; Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of the Storm (New Delhi:
Viking, 2002), pp. 87ff; Aijaz Ahmad, “The Many Roads to Kargil,”
Frontline, 16 July
1999.
(30)
Praveen Swami, The Kargil
War, rev. ed. (New Delhi: LeftWord, 2000), pp.
10–1.
(31)
Rahul Bedi, “A Dismal Failure,” in Guns and Roses; Essays on the Kargil
War (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1999), p.
142.
(32)
The course of the Kargil war is described in Swami,
Kargil War; Bedi, “Dismal
Failure”; and Srinjoy Chowdhury, Despatches
from Kargil (New Delhi: Penguin,
2000).
(33)
Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into
Extremism, p. 174; interview with Nawaz Sharif in
India Today, 26 July
2004.
(34)
See Asian Age, 4
July 1999; Telegraph, 9 July
1999; Hindu, 19 July
1999.
(35)
Asian Age, 6 July
1999; Hindu, 4 July
1999.
(36)
Sarabjit Pandher, “Spirit of Nationalism Eclipses
Memories of (Operation.) Bluestar,” Hindu, 16 June 1999.
(37)
“Army Job Seekers Go Berserk,” Hindu, 18 July 1999.
(38)
Sonia Jabbar, “Blood Soil: Chittisinghpora and After,”
in Urvashi Butalia, ed., Speaking Peace:
Women’s Voices from Kashmir (New Delhi: Kali for
Women, 2002), p p. 226f.
(39)
There has been some dispute about the agents of the
Chittisinghpora massacre. For the argument that the killers were
recruited by Indian intelligence, which then sought to pin the blame
on Pakistan, see Pankaj Mishra, Temptations
of the West: How to be Modern in India, Pakistan and
Beyond (London: Picador, 2006), pp. 197ff. For the
alternative point of view, namely, that the killers were militants
who came in from Pakistan, see Praveen Swami, “Iron Veils: Reporting
Sub-Continental Warfare in India,” in Nalini Rajan, ed., Practising Journalism: Values, Constraints,
Implications (New Delhi: Sage,
2005).
My own assessment, that these were most likely freelancers from across the border, is guided, among other things, by a crucial piece of evidence provided by the survivors. This is that the killers spoke both Punjabi and Urdu. Now Urdu is spoken by many Muslims in the Indian State of Uttar Pradesh who, however, do not speak any Punjabi. And the only Punjabis who speak Urdu in the Indian state of Punjab would have had their schooling in that language before partition. They would now be at least seventy years of age, and presumably in no position to trek over high hills to effect a mass murder. On the other hand, there are millions of able-bodied young men in the Pakistan Punjab who speak both their mother tongue and the national language, Urdu.
As this book must have made quite clear by now, the Indian state has been guilty of many criminal acts in Jammu and Kashmir. But the massacre of the Sikhs in Chittisinghpora does not appear to be among them.
(40)
See Atal Behari Vajpayee, “Musings from Kumarakom,”
Hindu, 2 January
2001.
(41)
Indian Express, 7
April 2005, lists major terrorist strikes.
(42)
Himal South Asian,
June 2002; Michael Krepon, “No Easy Exits,” India Today, 10 June 2002.
(43)
HT, 19 May 2002.
(44)
James Michael Lyngdoh, Chronicle of an Impossible Election: The Election Commission
and the 2002 Jammu and Kashmir Assembly Elections
(New Delhi: Penguin, 2004), pp. 129, 141-142, 149-150, 180-181,
etc.
(45)
Rekha Chowdhury and Nagendra Rao, “Kashmir Elections
2002: Implications for Politics of Separatism,” Economic and Political Weekly,
4 January 2003.
(46)
Quoted in TOI, 26 September
2003.
(47)
See HT, 20 June 2003.
(48)
Ibid., 30 January 2005; New
Sunday Express, 30 January
2005.
(49)
Hindu, 17 May
2005.
(50)
Muzamil Jaleel, in Indian Express, 8 April
2005.
(51)
See “Politics as a Vocation,” in Hans Gerth and C.
Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays
in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press,
1946).
(52)
For an overview of corruption in contemporary India,
see Shiv Visvanathan and Harsh Sethi, eds., Foul Play: Chronicles of Corruption (New Delhi:
Banyan, 1998).
(53)
B. S. Nagaraj, “Smokescreen Resort,” Indian Political Review, July
2003.
(54)
Peter Ronald deSouza, “Democracy’s Inconvenient Fact,”
Seminar, November
2004; Prem Shankar Jha, “Keep It Pollution Free,” Hindustan Times, 2 January 2006; TOI
(Bangalore), 21 January 2006.
(55)
Sunday, 2–9 March
1985.
(56)
Reetika Khera, “Monitoring Disclosures,” Seminar, February 2004. My account of
the criminalization of politics also draws on information supplied
by Professor Trilochan Sascty, a founding member of the Association
for Democratic Reforms, the group which filed the original PIL in
the Supreme Court.
(57)
Samuel Paul and M. Vjvekananda, “Holding a Mirror to
the New Lok Sabha,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 6 November 2004.
(58)
For a vivid portrait of one notorious criminal in
politics, the Bihari member of Parliament, Mohammad Shahabuddin, see
Saba Naqvi Bhowmick, “The Saheb of Siwan: The Tale of an Indian
Godfather,” in First Proof: The Penguin Book
of New Writing from India 1 (New Delhi: Penguin,
2005).
(59)
Arild Engelsen Ruud, “Talking Dirty about Politics: A
View from a Bengali Village,” in C. J. Fuller and Veronique Benei,
eds., The Everyday State and Society in
India (New Delhi: Social Science, 2000), pp.
116–118.
(60)
International Herald
Tribune, 19 November 2004.
(61)
Jorge Luis Borges, The Total
Library: Non-Fiction, 1922–1986, ed. Elliot
Weinberger, trans. Esther Allen, Jill Levine, and Elliot Weinberger
(London: Penguin, 2001), p. 309; R. W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle
Ages (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), p.
154.
(62)
See Akhil Gupta, “Blurred Boundaries: Corruption and
the Local State,” originally published in American Ethnologist, and reprinted in Zoya Hasan,
ed., Politics and the State in
India (New Delhi, Sage, 2000); Jonathan Parry, “The
‘Crises of Corruption’ and ‘The Idea of India,’” in Italo Pardo,
ed., Morals of Legitimacy: Between Agency
and System (Oxford: Berghahn,
2000).
(63)
Ashish Khetan, “Taint at the Top,” Tehelka, 23 April
2005.
(64)
P. S. Appu, “The All India Services: Decline,
Debasement, and Destruction,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 26 February
2005.
(65)
M. N. Buch to the prime minister of India, 15 March
2003. (I am grateful to Mr. Buch for sending me a copy of the
letter.)
(66)
See Dasgupta, “Tripura’s Brutal Cul de
Sac.”
(67)
Grassroots Option,
February 1997.
(68)
Harish Khare, “Voting the Periphery Out,” Hindu, 20 March
2004.
(69)
Andre Beteille, “The Executive and the Judiciary,”
Hindu, 8 May
2001.
(70)
These paragraphs on the judiciary are based on S. P.
Sathe, Judicial Activism in India:
Transgressing Borders and Enforcing Limits, 2nd ed.
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002). The example of Madurai
is from New Indian Express, 23
September 2003.
(71)
M. P. Singh, “To Govern or Not to Govern: The
Dilemma of the New Indian Party System, 1989–1991,” in M. P.
Singh, ed., Lok Sabha Elections
1989: Indian Politics in 1990s (Delhi:
Kalinga, 1992), p. 202.
الفصل التاسع والعشرون: الثروات
(1)
Quoted in Current,
22 September 1954.
(2)
“The World This Week,” Myslndia, 23 January 1955; “Towards
Totalitarianism,” Myslndia, 8 May
1955; “A Fatal Economic Policy,” Myslndia, 8 November 1953.
(3)
See Jagdish Bhagwati and Padma Desai, India: Planning for Industrialization:
Industrialization and Trade Policies since 1951
(London: Oxford University Press, 1970).
(4)
J. R. D. Tata, interviewed by Fatma Zakaria, TOI, 12
July 1981.
(5)
See Dani Rodrik and Arvind Subramanian, From “Hindu Growth” to Productivity Surge: The
Mystery of the Indian Growth Transition (Washington,
D.C.: National Bureau of Applied Economic Research, March
2004).
(6)
Anne O. Krueger and Sajjid Chinoy, “The Indian Economy
in Global Context,” in Anne O. Krueger, ed., Economic Policy Reforms and the Indian Economy (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002). For an overview of the Indian
economy on the eve of the reforms, see Bimal Jalan, ed., The Indian Economy: Problems and
Prospects (New Delhi: Viking,
1992).
(7)
Arvind Panagriya, “Growth and Reforms during 1980s and
1990s,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 19 June 2004.
(8)
Ashok V. Desai, My Economic
Affair (New Delhi: Wiley Eastern, 1993); Kaushik
Basu, “Future Perfect?” HT, 5 May 2005.
(9)
Dennis J. Encarnation, Dislodging Multinationals: India’s Strategy in Comparative
Perspective (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press,
1989), pp. 214-215, 225.
(10)
Nagesh Kumar, “Indian Software Industry Development:
International and National Perspective,” Economic and Political Weekly, 10 November 2001;
Pradosh Nath and Amitava Hazra, “Configuration of Indian Software
Industry,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 23 February 2002; Arun Shourie, “Ensuring IT
Remains Indian Territory,” New Indian
Express, 3 January 2004.
(11)
AnnaLee Saxenian, “Bangalore: The Silicon Valley of
Asia?” in Krueger, Economic Policy
Reforms, p. 175.
(12)
Raj Chengappa and Malini Goyal, “Housekeepers to the
World,” India Today, 18 November
2002; “Outsourcing to India,” Economist, 5 May 2001.
(13)
Saritha Rai, “Prayers Outsourced to India” and “U.S.
Kids Outsource Homework to India,” New York
Times; reprinted in Asian
Age, 14 June 2004 and 11 September 2005,
respectively.
(14)
Shankkar Aiyar, “Made in India,” India Today, 1 December
2003.
(15)
R. Nagaraj, “Foreign Direct Investment in India in the
1990s: Trends and Issues,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 26 April
2003.
(16)
Arvind Virmani, “India’s External Reforms: Modest
Globalisation, Significant Gains,” Economic
and Political Weekly, 9 August
2003.
(17)
This paragraph is based on Harish Damodaran, India’s New Capitalists (London:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).
(18)
E. Sridharan, “The Growth and Sectoral Composition of
India’s Middle Class: Its Impact on the Politics of Economic
Liberalization,” India Review,
Vol. 3, No. 4, 2004.
(19)
See William Mazzarella, Shovelling Smoke: Advertising and Globalization in Contemporary
India (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003),
pp. 74–76, 240, 258, etc.
(20)
Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella, Social Mobility in Kerala: Modernity and
Identity in Conflict (London: Pluto, 2000),
p. 127.
(21)
See, among other works, “Poverty Reduction in [the]
1990s,” Economic and Political
Weekly, Special Issue, 25–31 January 2003; K.
Sundaram and Suresh D. Tendulkar, “Poverty in India in the 1990s: An
Analysis of Changes in 15 Major States,” Economic and Political Weekly, 5 April 2003; Angus
Deaton, ed., The Great Indian Poverty
Debate (New Delhi: Macmillan India,
2005).
(22)
Eduardo Galeano, “The Other Wall,” New Internationalist, November 1989.
(Galeano was actually writing of the Latin American city, which in
these respects is of a piece with its Indian
counterpart.)
(23)
See “Footloose Labour,” Seminar, Special Issue, November 2003; Supriya
RoyChowdhury, “Labour Activism and Women in the Unorganised Sector:
Garment Export Industry in Bangalore,” Economic and Political Weekly, 28 May–4 June 2005;
and, for an overview, Ajit K. Ghose, “The Employment Challenge in
India,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 27 November 2004.
(24)
P. K. Joshi, Ashok Gulati, Pratap S. Birthal, and Laxmi
Tewari, “Agriculture Diversification in South Asia: Patterns,
Determinants, and Policy Implications,” Economic and Political Weekly, 12 June 2004; M. S.
Sidhu, “Fruit and Vegetable Processing Industry in India: An
Appraisal of the Post-Reform Period,” Economic and Political Weekly, 9 July
2005.
(25)
Ramesh Chand, “Whither India’s Food Policy: From Food
Security to Food Deprivation,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 12 March 2005; Jean Dreze, “Praying
for Food Security,” Hindu, 27
October 2003; Madhura Swaminathan, Weakening
Welfare: The Public Distribution of food in India
(New Delhi: LeftWord, 2000); Ashok Gulati, Satu Kahkonen, and
Pradeep Sharma, “The Food Corporation of India: Successes and
Failures in Foodgrain Marketing,” in Satu Kahkonen and Anthony
Lanyi, eds., Institutions, Incentives, and
Economic Reforms in India (New Delhi: Sage, 2000);
and, especially, P. Sainath, Everybody Loves
a Good Drought: Stories from India’s Poorest
Districts (New Delhi: Penguin Books India,
1996).
(26)
P. Sainath, “Trains Raided for Water in TN,” TOI, 14
May 1993; Sowmya Sivakumar and Eric Kerbart, “Drought, Sustenance,
and Livelihoods: ‘Akal’ Survey in Rajasthan,” Economic and Political Weekly, 17
January 2004.
(27)
See Verrier Elwin, Maria Murder
and Suicide (Bombay: Oxford University Press,
1943).
(28)
Farmers’ suicides are the subject of a remarkable
series of field reports published by P. Sainath in Hindu. These are too numerous to list
individually; see www.thehinduonnet.com. See also R.
S. Deshpande and Nagesh Prabhu, “Farmers’ Distress: Proof beyond
Question,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 29 October 2005; and Tehelka, Special Issue, 6 March 2004 (on the farming
crisis).
(29)
See Myron Weiner, The Child and
the State in India (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton
University Press, 1990).
(30)
Jean Dreze and Aparajita Goyal, “Future of Mid-Day
Meals,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 1 November 2003.
(31)
Sucheta Mahajan, “MVF India—Education as Empowerment,”
Mainstream, 16 August 2003;
Rukmini Banerji, “Pratham Experiences,” Seminar, February 2005.
(32)
See “The PROBE Team,” Public
Report on Basic Education in India (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1999), ch. 9.
(33)
Vimala Ramachandran n, “The Best of Times, the Worst of
Times,” Seminar, April
2004.
(34)
Subhadra Menon, No Place to Go:
Stories of Hope and Despair from India’s Ailing Health
Sector (New Delhi: Penguin,
2004).
(35)
Jo Johnson, “The Road to Ruin,” Financial Times, Weekend
Edition, 13-14 August 2005.
(36)
Pamela Philipose, “India Is Seriously Sick,” New Indian Express, 24 January
2006.
(37)
Arjan De Haan and Amaresh Dubey, “Poverty, Disparities,
or the Development of Underdevelopment in Orissa,” Economic and Political Weekly, 28 May–4
June 2005; Sanjay Kumar, “Adivasis of South Orissa: Enduring
Poverty,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 27 October 2001; jean Dreze, “No More
Lifelines: Political Economy of Hunger in Orissa,” TOI, 17 September
2001.
(38)
Meena Menon, “The Battle for Bauxite in Orissa,”
Hindu, 20 April
2005.
(39)
Anon., The Struggle against
Bauxite Mining in Orissa (Bangalore: People’s Union
for Civil Liberties, 2003); Anon., How
Wrong? How Right? (Kashipur: Agragamee,
1999).
(40)
Quoted in Manash Ghosh, “Sins of Development,”
Statesman, 9 March
1999.
(41)
Darryl D’Monte, “Another Look at ‘Backwardness,’”
Lokmat Times, 13 October
2000; Darryl D’Monte, “Recent Memories of Underdevelopment,”
www.tehelka.com, 12 October
2000.
(42)
The Struggle against Bauxite
Mining, pp. 15-16; Indian
Express, 18 and 19 December
2000.
(43)
Bibhuri Mishra, “Patnaik’s Industrialisation Killing
Orissa’s Environment?” Tehelka,
19 November 2005.
(44)
Hindu, 4 and 5
January 2006.
(45)
Montek S. Ahluwalia, “Economic Reform of States in
Post-Reform Period,” Economic and Political
Weekly, 6 May 2000; S. Mahendra Dev, “Post-Reform
Regional Variations,” Seminar,
May 2004.
(46)
See K. P. Kannan, “Shining Socio-Spatial Disparities,”
Seminar, May 2004; jean
Dreze, “Where Welfare Works: Plus Points of the T[amil] N[adu]
Model,” TOI, 21 May 2003.
(47)
Angus Deaton and Jean Dreze, “Poverty and Inequality in
India: Re-Examination,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 7 September
2002.
(48)
T. N. Srinivasan, Eight
Lectures on India’s Economic Reforms (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.
31.
(49)
On migration from rural Bihar in particular, see Gerry
Rodgers and Janine Rodgers, “A Leap across Time: When Semi-Feudalism
Met the Market in Rural Purnia,” Economic
and Political Weekly, 2 June 2001; and Alakh N.
Sharma, “Agrarian Relations and Socio-Economic Change in Bihar,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 5 March 2005.
(50)
India Today, 20
February 2006.
(51)
Statesman, 20
September 2001.
(52)
T. N. Ninan, “Big Growth, Bigger Debates,” Seminar, January
2006.
(53)
See Naushad Forbes, “Doing Business in India: What Has
Liberalization Changed?” in Krueger, Economic Policy Reforms, p.
131.
(54)
On the debate over EGS, see Jean Dreze, “Bhopal
Convention on the Right to Work: Brief Report and Personal
Observations,” Social Action,
Vol. 54, No. 2, 2004; Rinku Murgai and Martin Ravallion, “Employment
Guarantee in Rural India: What Would It Cost and How Much Would It
Reduce Poverty?” Economic and Political
Weekly, 30 July 2005.
(55)
On the links between liberalization and corruption, see
Rob Jenkins, Democratic Politics and
Economic Reform in India (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999), pp. 87, 90, 93-94, 99,
102-103.
(56)
See Abhay Mehta, Power Play: A
Study of the Enron Project (Hyderabad: Orient
Longman, 2000).
(57)
Cohen, India, pp.
xv, 285–292.
(58)
News bulletin, CNN/IBN, 22 February
2006.
(59)
Larry Pressler, “Shun Pakistan, Favour India”
New York Times,
reprinted in Asian Age,
23 March 2005.
(60)
See C. Raja Mohan, Crossing the
Rubicon: The Shaping of India’s Foreign Policy (New
Delhi: Viking, 2003), ch. 4; and Strobe Talbot, Engaging India (New Delhi: Viking
Penguin, 2005).
(61)
Jairam Ramesh,Making Sense of
Chindia:Reflections on India and China (New Delhi:
India Research, 2005).
(62)
Frontline, 18 July
2003.
(63)
Asian Age, 11 April
2005; news bulletin, NDTV, 9 April 2005.
(64)
Daniel H. Pink, “The New Face of the Silicon Age,”
Wired, February 2002
(http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/12.02/india_pr.html).
(65)
Manjeet Kripalani and Pete Engardio, “The Rise of
India,” BusinessWeek, 8 December
2003 (http://www.businessweek.com./magazine/content/03_49/
b3861001_mz001.htm).
(66)
Ron Moreau and Sudip Mazumdar, “An Indian Champion,”
Newsweek, 12 April
2004.
(67)
Fareed Zakaria, “India Rising,” Newsweek, 6 March
2006.
(68)
Thomas Friedman, The World Is
Flat: A Brief History of the Globalized World in the
Twenty-First Century (London: Allen Lane, 2005), p.
459.
(69)
Jeffrey D. Sachs, The End of
Poverty: How We Can Make It Happen in Our Lifetime
(London: Penguin, 2005), pp. 185–187.
(70)
See Economist, 5
March 2005; and Roger Cohen, “A New Asia’s Roar Is Heard,” International Herald Tribune, reprinted
in Asian Age, 19 April
2005.
(71)
Clyde Prestowitz, Three Billion
New Capitalists: The Great Shift of Wealth and Power to the
East (New York: Basic Books, 2005), pp. 101–105,
232–235.
(72)
Bharat Jhunjhunwala, “Gathering Storm of Indian
Imperialism,” New Indian Express,
10 August 2005.
الفصل الثلاثون: وسائل الترفيه
(1)
Histories of the Indian film industry include Erik
Barnouw and S. Krishnaswamy, Indian
Film, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press,
1980), and B. D. Garga, So Many Cinemas: The
Motion Picture in India (Bombay: Eminence Designs,
1996). Since this chapter is concerned less with individual
achievement and more with social history, it is somewhat
parsimonious in speaking of the great actors, directors, singers,
and composers of Indian cinema. For these, the reader is referred to
Ashish Rajadhyaksha and Paul Willemen, eds., Encyclopaedia of Indian Cinema, 2nd ed. (New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1999).
(2)
Amrit Gangar and Virchand Dharamsey, Indian Cinema: A Visual Voyage (New
Delhi: Publications Division, 1998), p. 90.
(3)
Current, 27
September 1950; Hindu, 6 August
1953.
(4)
Current, 24 December
1952.
(5)
Garga, So Many
Cinemas, p. 151.
(6)
Rajya Sabha Debates,
26 November and 10 December 1954: Current, 22 December 1954.
(7)
Amrit Gangar, “Films from the City of Dreams,” in
Sujata Patel and Alice Thorner, eds., Bombay: Mosaic of Modern Culture (Bombay: Oxford
University Press, 1995).
(8)
Ranjani Mazumdar, “The Bombay Film Poster,” Seminar, May
2003.
(9)
Satyajit Ray, Our
Films, Their Films (Calcutta: Orient Longman,
1976), pp. 90-91.
(10)
Quoted in Peter Manuel, Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North
India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993),
p. 45.
(11)
George Gissing, New Grub
Street (1891, reprint London: J. M. Dent, 1997), p.
354.
(12)
The best introduction to the narrative structure of the
Indian film is Nasreen Munni Kabir, Bollywood: The Indian Cinema Story (London: Channel
4 Books, 2001). Bur see also Panna Shah, The
Indian Film (Bombay: Motion Picture Society of India,
1950), and Agehananda Bharati, “Anthropology of Hindi Films,”
Illustrated Weekly of India,
30 January and 6 February 1977.
(13)
S. S. Vasan, quoted in Hardgrave and Neidhart, “Films
and Political Consciousness.”
(14)
Mukul Kesavan, “An Undergraduate History of Hindi
Cinema,” in B. G. Verghese, Tomorrow’s
India: Another Tryst with Destiny (New Delhi: Viking,
2006), p. 323.
(15)
Naresh Fernandes, “Remembering Anthony Gonsalves,”
Seminar, November 2004. See
also Vanraj Bhatia, “Film Music,” Seminar, December 1961, and Manuel, Cassette Culture, ch.
3.
(16)
Ashraf Aziz, Light of the
Universe: Essays on Hindustani Film Music (New Delhi:
Three Essays Collective, 2003), pp.
xvii-xviii.
(17)
Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, quoted in H. Y. Sharada Prasad,
“Ye kaun aaj aaya savere savere,” Asian
Age, 18 May 2005.
(18)
N. M. Kabir, “Playback Time: A Brief History of
Bollywood Film Songs,” FilmComment, May-June 2002, p. 41. For informative
sketches of lyricists, composers, and singers in Hindi film, see
Manek Premchand, Yesterday’s Melodies,
Today’s Memories (Mumbai: Jharna,
2003).
(19)
Steve Derne, Movies,
Masculinity, and Modernity: An Ethnography of Men’s Filmgoing in
India (Westport, Conn; Greenwood, 2000), ch. 2. See
also Narendra Panjwani, “A Small Town Goes to the Movies,” Hindi, Vol. 2, No. 2,
2001.
(20)
Sara Dickey, Cinema and the
Urban Poor in South India (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1993); Sara Dickey, “Opposing Faces: Film Star Fan
Clubs and the Construction of Class Identities in South India,” in
Rachel Dwyer and Christopher Pinney, eds., Pleasure and the Nation: The History, Politics, and Consumption
of Public Culture in India (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2001).
(21)
On Bachchan’s career, see, inter alia, Chidananda Das
Gupta, The Painted Face: Studies in India’s
Popular Cinema (New Delhi: Roli, 1991), pp. 239ff,
and Ashok Banker, Bollywood (New
Delhi: Penguin, 2001), pp. 67–77.
(22)
Sunday, 24
February–2 March 1985.
(23)
Kaveree Bamzai, “A Legend Turns 60,” India Today, 21 October
2002.
(24)
These biographical details are from Harish Bhimani,
In Search of Lata Mangeshkar
(New Delhi: Indus, 1995), and Punita Bhatt, “The Lata Legend,”
Filmfare, 1–15 June
1987.
(25)
Sunil Sethi, quoted in Garga, So Many Cinemas, p. 192.
(26)
Anupama Chopra, Sholay: The
Making of a Classic (New Delhi: Penguin, 2000), p. 29
and passim.
(27)
Ashokamitran, My Years with
Boss: At Gemini Studios (hyderabad: Orient Longman,
2002), pp. 16-17.
(28)
Current, 3 September
1952.
(29)
Mukul Kesavan, “Cine Qua Non!” Outlook, 18 August 1997.
(30)
Mukul Kesavan, “Urdu, Awadh, and the Tawaif: The
Islamicate Roots of Hindi Cinema,” in Zoya Hasan, ed., Forging Identities: Gender, Communities, and the
State (New Delhi: Kali for Women,
1994).
(31)
Jerry Pinto, “The Woman Who Could Not Care,” in
First Proof: The Penguin Book of New
Writing from India 1 (New Delhi: Penguin, 2005),
pp. 49-50.
(32)
Quoted in Shajahan Madampat, “Portrait of a Religious
Muslim as a Secular Icon,” unpublished paper.
(33)
Bunny Reuben, Follywood
Flashback: A Collection of Movie Memories (New Delhi:
Indus, 1993), p. 267.
(34)
Among the many studies of Ray, the best are probably
Andrew Robinson, Satyajit Ray: The Inner
Eye (London: Andre Deutsch, 1989), and Chidananda
Dasgpupta, The Cinema of Satyajit
Ray, 2nd ed. (New Delhi: National Book Trust,
2001).
(35)
The work of these and other directors is discussed in
Yves Thorat, The Cinemas of India,
1896–2000 (New Delhi: Macmillan India,
2000).
(36)
This account draws on Rustom Bharucha, “Ninasam: A
Cultural Alternative,” Theatre and the
World (New Delhi: Manohar, 1990), ch. 14; various
reports published by Ninasam; and my own visits to
Heggodu.
(37)
H. Y. Sharada Prasad, “Subanna,” Asian Age, 19 October
2005.
(38)
Sudhanva Deshpande, “Habib Tanvir: Upside-Down Midas,”
Economic and Political
Weekly, 13 September 2003.
(39)
Gaddar’s life and work are the subject of a forthcoming
book by Venkat Rao. Among many articles by Rao, see especially
“Writing Orally: Decolonization from Below,” positions, Vol. 7, No. I,
1999.
(40)
See, among other works, Bonnie C. Wade, Music in India: The Classical
Traditions, rev. ed. (Delhi: Manohar, 2001),
originally published 1979; Mohan Nadkarni, The Great Masters: Profiles in Hindustani Classical
Music (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1999); and
Ludwig Pesch, The Illustrated Companion to
South Indian Classical Music (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1999).
(41)
Indira Menon, The Madras
Quartet: Women in Karnatak Music (New Delhi: Roli
Books, 1999), pp. 173–178. A recent biography of M. S. Subbulakshmi
is t.j. George’s MS: A Life in
Music (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 2004). I have
also drawn on an unpublished essay by the music scholar Keshav
Desiraju.
(42)
There is, as yet, no biography of Ravi Shankar. I have
drawn here on his own autobiography, Raga
Mala (Guildford: Genesis, 1997); on conversations
with music lovers; and on my own thirty-year experience of listening
to his music.
(43)
For more on these and other artists, see Kumar
Mukherji, The Lost World of Hindustani
Music (New Delhi: Penguin India, 2006), a fine and
richly anecdotal history by a
scholar-performer.
(44)
TOI, 3 March 2003; Asian
Age, 3 March 2003.
(45)
The arguments in these paragraphs are elaborated in
Ramachandra Guha, A Corner of a Foreign
Field: The Indian History of a British Sport (London:
Picador, 2002). See also Richard Cashman, Patrons, Players, and the Crowd: The Phenomenon of Indian
Cricket (Bombay: Orient Longman,
1980).
(46)
C. Rajagopalachari, quoted in Pon. Thangamani,
History of
Broadcasting in India: With
Special Reference to Tamil Nadu, 1924–1954 (Chennai:
Ponnaiah Pathipagam, 2000), pp. 104-105.
(47)
The spread of the radio in India is described in
Thangamani, History of
Broadcasting; and in Mehra Masani, Broadcasting and the People (New Delhi:
National Book Trust, 1976). See also David Lelyveld, “Transmitters
and Culture: The Colonial Roots of Indian Broadcasting,” South Asia Research, Vol. 10, No. 1,
1990.
(48)
Hindu, 19
July 1953.
(49)
David Lelyveld, “Upon the Subdominant: Administering
Music on All-India Radio,” in Carol A. Breckenridge, ed., Consuming Modernity: Public Culture in a South
Asian World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1995).
(50)
Ritu Sarin, “Doordarshan: The Money Machine,” Sunday, 18–24 August
1985.
(51)
Chidananda Dasgupta, “Cinema: The Unstoppable Chariot,”
in Hiranmay Karlekar, ed., Independent
India: The First Fifty Years (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1998), p. 442.
(52)
Wimal Dissanayake and Malti Sahai, “Raj Kapoor and the
Indianization of Chaplin,” paper presented at a symposium, “Humour
in Cinema: East and West,” Waikiki, Hawaii, November 29–December 3,
1986.
(53)
Current, 28
September I955.
(54)
Bunny Reuben, Raj Kapoor: The
Fabulous Showman (New Delhi: Indus, 1995), pp.
88f.
(55)
TOI, 5 January 1952.
(56)
K. A. Abbas, I Am Not an
Island: An Experiment in Autobiography (New Delhi:
Vikas, 1977), p. 372.
(57)
Personal communication from Professor James C. Scott of
Yale University.
(58)
Stephen Alter, Amritsar to
Lahore: Crossing the Border between India and
Pakistan (New Delhi: Penguin, 2000), pp. 132-133,
136, 172-173, 178.
(59)
“Bowled Over by Bollywood,” Guardian Weekly, 27 May–5 June
2005.
(60)
“Move Over LA, Here Comes Bombay,” The Times, 22 June
2000.
(61)
Time, 27 October
2003. See also Raminder Kaur and Ajay J. sinha, Bollywood: Popular Indian Cinema through a
Transnational Lens (New Delhi: Sage,
2005).
(62)
Sudhanva Deshpande, “Hindi Films: The Rise of the
Consumable Hero,” Himal South
Asian, August 2001.
(63)
TOI, 25 February 2004.
(64)
S. S. Vasan, “Film Production in India Today,” in R. M.
Ray, ed., Film Seminar Report
1955 (New Delhi: Sangeer Natak Akademi, 1955),
pp. 33–35.
خاتمة
(1)
Robert D. Kaplan, “The Lawless Frontier,” Atlantic Monthly, September
1999.
(2)
Ayaz Amir, “The Beauty of Democracy,” Dawn, reprinted in Asian Age, 17 May
2004.
(3)
Yogendra Yadav, “Understanding the Second Democratic
Upsurge: Trends of Bahujan Participation in Electoral Politics in
the 1990s” in Francine R. Frankel, Zoya Hasan, Rajeev Bhargava, and
Balveer Arora, eds., Transforming India:
Social and Political Dynamics of Democracy (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002), p.
133.
(4)
Deccan Herald, 10
October 2004.
(5)
Bela Bhatia, The Naxalite
Movement, pp. 114—120.
(6)
J. M. Lyngdoh, quoted in TOI, 3 December
2003.
(7)
See, for instance, the collected works of R. K. Laxman,
published by Penguin India. Laxman is the most prolific and (by
common consent) the most original of Indian cartoonists, but there
have been many other gifted practitioners, who, like him, specialize
in political satire.
(8)
Telegraph, 2 January
2003.
(9)
Anderson, The Spectre
of Comparisons (London: Verso, 1998),
p. 132.
(10)
Sunil Khilnani, “Democracy and Nationalism in India,”
lecture delivered at College de France, 30 May 2005, p.
2.
(11)
Isaiah Berlin, “Nationalism: Past Neglect and Present
Power” (1979), in Against the Current:
Essays in the History of Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy
(London: Pimlico, 1997), pp. 346-347,
353-354.
(12)
The modern literature on nationalism will fill a
library. For a sampling, see Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford; Basil Blackwell,
1983); Benedict Anderson, Imagined
Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of
Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Anthony D. Smith,
The Ethnic Origin of Nations
(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986); Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity
(Camhridge, Mass; Harvard University Press, 1992); Eric Hobsbawm,
Nations and Nationalism since
1780 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993);
Tom Nairn, Faces of Nationalism: Janus
Revisited (London: Verso, 1997). See also Hans Kohn,
Nationalism: Its Meaning and
History (Princeton, N.J; Van Nostrand, 1955), a
classic early work.
(13)
See Mukul Kesavan, Secular
Common Sense (New Delhi: Penguin India,
2001).
(14)
See Javeed Alam, Who Wants
Democracy? (New Delhi: Orient Longman,
2004).
(15)
Bernard D. Nossiter, Soft
State: A Newspaperman’s Chronicle of India (New York:
Harper and Row, 1970), pp. 119–123.
(16)
Joseph Stalin, Marxism and the
National Question (London: Martin Lawrence, 1936),
pp. 5-6.
(17)
Quoted in Peter A. Blitstein, “Nation-Building or
Russification? Obligatory Russian Instruction in the Soviet
Non-Russian School,” in Ronald Grigor Suny and Terry Martin,
A State of Nations: Empire and
Nation-Building in the Age of Lenin and Stalin (New
York: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 255.
(18)
See Neil DeVotta, Blowback:
Linguistic Nationalism, Institutional Decay,and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka
(Stanford, Calif; Stanford University Press, 2004), pp.
89–91.
(19)
S. M. Burke, ed., Jinnah:
Speeches and Statements 1947-1948 (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2000), p. 150. (Emphasis
added.)
(20)
Arundhati Roy, “How Deep Shall We Dig?” Hindu, 25 April
2004.
(21)
Hugh Tinker, Reorientations:
Studies on Asia in Transition (Bombay: Oxford
University Press), pp. 71f..
(22)
Pratap Bhanu Mehta, The Burden
of Democracy (New Delhi: Penguin India, 2003), pp.
28, 114-115.
(23)
Howard, quoted in Samuel Huntingdon, Who Are We? America’s Great Debate,
Indian ed. (New Delhi: Penguin India, 2004), pp.
28-29.
(24)
David Gilmour, The Ruling
Caste: Imperial Lives in the Victorian Raj (London:
John Murray, 2005).
(25)
CAD, Vol. 10, pp. 43–51.
(26)
On the history and functioning of the IAS, see David C.
Potter, India’s Political Administrators:
From ICS to IAS (New Delhi; Oxford University Press,
1996); K. P. Krishnan and T. V. Somanathan, “Civil Service: An
Institutional Perspective,” in Devesh Kapur and Pratap Bhanu Mehta,
eds., Public Institutions in
India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2004).
(27)
Nehru to General Lockhart, 13 August 1947, in
Group XLIX, Part I, Cariappa Papers, National Archives of
India, New Delhi.
(28)
See Group XXI, Part II, Cariappa
Papers.
(29)
Nehru to Cariappa, 13 October 1952, in Group XLIX, Part
1, Cariappa Papers.
(30)
Hindu, 14 January
1953, reprinted 14 January 2003.
(31)
See correspondence in Group XLIX, Part 1, Cariappa
Papers.
(32)
Note of 12 December 1958, Group XXXIII, Part I,
Cariappa Papers. Cariappa went on to claim that for these Pakistani
generals “war between India and Pakistan was simply
unthinkable.”
(33)
Frank Moraes to General Cariappa, 19 December 1968,
Group XLIX, Part I, Cariappa Papers.
(34)
J. S. Aurora, “If Khalistan Comes, the Sikhs Will Be
the Losers,” in Patwant Singh and Harji Malik, eds., Punjab: The Fatal Miscalculation (New
Delhi: Patwant Singh, 1985), pp. 137-138.
(35)
C. Rajagopalachari, quoted in Guy Wint, Spotlight on Asia (Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1955), p. 130.
(36)
George Woodcock, Beyond the
Blue Mountains: An Autobiography (Toronto: Fitzhenry
and Whiteside, 1987), p. 105.
(37)
S. Gopal, “The English Language in India since
Independence,” in John Grigg, ed., Nehru
Memorial Lectures, 1966–1991 (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1992), p p. 202-203.
(38)
Jonathan Parry, “Nehru’s Dream and the Village ‘Waiting
Room’: Long Distance Labour Migrants to a Central Indian Steel
Town,” paper to be published in Contributions to Indian
Sociology.
(39)
Nasreen Munni Kabir, Talking
Films: Conversations on Hindi Cinema with Javed
Akhtar (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999),
p. 35.
(40)
Martin Walker, Makers of the
American Century (London: Chatto and Windus, 2000),
Preface.
(41)
Huntingdon, Who Are
We?, pp. xv-xvi, 12, 40, 61, 63, 171, 232, 316,
etc.
(42)
Time, 6 March
2006.
(43)
Ronald W. Clark, JBS: The Life
and Work of JBS Haldane (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1968).
(44)
Haldane to Geoff Conklin, 25 July 1962, J. B.
S. Haldane Papers, National Library of Scotland,
Edinburgh.
(45)
J. Neyman (professor of statistics, University of
California, Berkeley) to Haldane, 18 September 1961, in Haldane
Papers.
(46)
Haldane to Neyman, 26 September 1961, in
Haldane Papers.
(47)
D. N. Chatterjee to P. N. Haksar, 6 July 1971,
Subject File No. 171, Haksar Papers, Third Instalment,
NMML.