زائر

  • ePub Logo
  • PDF Logo
  • Kindle Logo

ملاحظات

تصدير

(1)
The study was published by the Institute for Public Policy Research; see “Climate and Economic Risks ‘Threaten 2008-Style Systemic Collapse,’” Guardian, February 12, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/feb/12/climate-and-economic-risks-threaten-2008-style-systemic-collapse; BBC News, “Environment in Multiple Crises—Report,” February 12, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-47203344; and Laurie Laybourn, Lesley Rankin, and Darren Baxter, “This Is a Crisis: Facing Up to the Age of Environmental Breakdown,” Institute for Public Policy Research, December 2, 2019, https://www.ippr.org/research/publications/age-of-environmental-breakdown. Note that this was an entirely different study from the one released a year later, in early 2020, which I quoted at the beginning of the revised version of 1177 B.C. (Cline 2021: xv).
(2)
Cline 2014, 2021.
(3)
Quotation is from the revised and updated version (Cline 2021: 165-66). In my opinion, the Late Bronze Age Collapse should be considered as a prime example within the category of scholarship now designated as “the History of Climate and Society” (HCS), which involves studying “climate-society interactions” and emphasizes “the mechanics by which climate change has influenced human history” (Degroot et al. 2021: 539).
(4)
See Haldon, Chase, et al. 2020: 5, 12; also Haldon, Binois-Roman, et al. 2021: 261-62; and previously Haldon, Eisenberg et al. 2020. See also Kuecker and Hall 2011: 26; Johnson 2017: 1.
(5)
For recent volumes on collapse and “after collapse,” see, e.g., Tainter 1988; Diamond 2005; Middleton 2017c; and the edited volumes by Yoffee and Cowgill 1988; Schwartz and Nichols 2006; McAnany and Yoffee 2010; Faulseit 2016; Middleton 2020a. See also, e.g., specific papers such as Kuecker and Hall 2011; Storey and Storey 2016.
(6)
Quotations from Cumming and Peterson 2017: 696; Haldon, Eisenberg, et al. 2020. See now also Haldon, Binois-Roman, et al. 2021: 262.
(7)
Colby Bermel, “Dixie Fire Becomes Largest Single Wildfire in California History,” Politico, August 6, 2021, https://www.politico.com/states/california/story/2021/08/06/dixie-fire-becomes-largest-single-wildfire-in-california-history-1389651; “Greece Wildfires: Evia Island Residents Forced to Evacuate,” BBC News, August 9, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-58141336; Matthew S. Schwartz, “Wildfires Rage through Greece as Thousands Are Evacuated,” NPR, August 8, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/08/08/1025947847/wildfires-rage-through-greece-as-thousands-are-evacuated; Associated Press, “Grim View of Global Future Offered in U.S. Intelligence Report,” NBC News, April 8, 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/politics-news/grim-view-global-future-offered-u-s-intelligence-report-n1263549; Brad Plumer and Henry Fountain, “A Hotter Future Is Certain, Climate Panel Warns: But How Hot Is Up to Us,” New York Times, August 9, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/09/climate/climate-change-report-ipcc-un.html; Jake Spring, “Once-in-50-Year Heat Waves Now Happening Every Decade—U.N. Climate Report,” Reuters, August 9, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/business/environment/once-in-50-year-heat-waves-now-happening-every-decade-un-climate-report-2021-08-09
(8)
See now, e.g., Ehrenreich 2020.
(9)
Cowgill 1988: 246. He said further that we need to make a distinction between the “decline or deterioration of something and its actual termination” (255), for “the complete termination or even the rapid drastic transformation of a civilization has been a rare event, at least so far. Political fragmentation is more common” (256). See now Haldon, Chase, et al. 2020 for an extremely important, and nuanced, recent discussion of what “collapse” involves; also Johnson 2017: 7; Middleton 2017b, 2020b; Kemp 2019; Nicoll and Zerboni 2019; Haldon, Binois-Roman, et al. 2021: 238.
(10)
See Frahm 2023: 24-25 for similar comments regarding Assyrian records in particular.

تمهيد

(1)
See Thucydides (Thuc. 1.12.1-3; also Thuc. 1.2.2); also Herodotus (Hdt. 8.73; also Hdt. 1.56.2-3) and Pausanias (Paus. 4.3.3; also Paus. 2.12.3).
(2)
See the debates and discussions in English, frequently citing earlier studies in German and French, found in Casson 1921; Heurtley 1926/27; Hammond 1931-32; Daniel, Broneer, and Wade-Gery 1948; Starr 1961: 72–74; Cook 1962; Desborough 1964: 246–48; Snodgrass 1971: 300–312; also more recent discussions reviewing the previous situations, e.g., Muhly 1992: 12; J. M. Hall 1997: 3-4, 12, 41, 56–65; 2002: 32–35, 73–82; 2003; 2006: 240–42; 2007: 43–51.
(3)
See “Mycenaean Civilization,” Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th ed., March 2021, http://search.ebscohost.com.proxygw.wrlc.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=134483212&site=ehost-live (accessed September 30, 2022).
(4)
Carpenter 1966: 40; Snodgrass 1971: 312; Hooker 1979: 359; Tainter 1988: 63-64 (who also quotes Carpenter); J. M. Hall 2002: 79 (who quotes Hooker); Papadopoulos 2014: 185; Nagy 2019b (citing Palaima 2002), 2019b. See also, e.g., Schnapp-Gourbeillon 1979: 1–11, 2002: 131–82; S. P. Morris 1989: 48-49; Coulson 1990: 14–17; Muhly 1992: 11; R. Osborne 1996: 33–37; Lemos 2002: 191–93; Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 24, 980; Wallace 2018: 311–15; Kotsonas and Mokrišová 2020: 221-22; Knodell 2021: 187-88. For the Dorians on Crete, see now, e.g., Hatzaki and Kotsonas 2020: 1036-37, citing Wallace 2010: 365–73 and others.
(5)
See, e.g., J. M. Hall 1997: 111–31, 2002: 78–82; Tainter 1988: 63-64; I. Morris 2000: 198–218; Voutsaki 2000: 232-33; Montiglio 2006: 161; Wallace 2010: 371–73; Bryce 2020: 114; Ruppenstein 2020b; Knodell 2021: 132; Osborne and Hall 2022: 9; Maran 2023: 240.
(6)
Nagy 2019b, citing Palaima 2002; also Nagy 2019a; Ruppenstein 2020b.
(7)
See most recently Murray 2017: 7, 211, 231-32, 234–39, also 2020: 202; previously Snodgrass 1971: 364–67; Desborough 1972: 18; I. Morris 1987: 146, 2006: 80, 2007: 218; Chew 2007: 95. See also discussions in Tainter 1988: 10-11, 1999: 1010; Dickinson 2006a: 93–98, 2006b: 117-18; Eder 2006: 550; J. M. Hall 2007: 59–61; Deger-Jalkotzy 2008: 393-94; Wallace 2010: 88; Eder and Lemos 2020: 140; Nakassis 2020: 277; Knodell 2021: 119–29, 144, 153, 240. See also some of the other discussions, by specific areas, in both Middleton 2020a and Lemos and Kotsonas 2020.
(8)
See again, e.g., J. M. Hall 1997: 111–31, 2002: 78–82; Tainter 1988: 63-64; I. Morris 2000: 198–218; Voutsaki 2000: 232-33; Montiglio 2006: 161; Wallace 2010: 371–73; Bryce 2020: 114; Ruppenstein 2020b; Knodell 2021: 132.
(9)
S. P. Morris 1989: 48-49. On the other hand, in their textbook A Brief History of Ancient Greece, Pomeroy et al. (2020: 39-40) give an accurate summation of the problem and of our current thinking about the Dorian Invasion, or lack thereof, concluding by saying: “no material trace of such invaders can be seen in the archaeological record.” But see also Elayi 2018: 90, who refers to “the Doric invasions in Mycenaean Greece, which would have driven the ancient Aegean populations before them.”
(10)
See, e.g., J. M. Hall 1997: 153–67. See now Bryce 2020: 113-14, citing Finkelberg 2011: 217-18 on “miscellaneous population movements” at the end of the Bronze Age on mainland Greece; also Ruppenstein 2020b; J. Osborne and Hall 2022: 10-11; Van Damme 2023: 179.
(11)
Migrations can also be “a series of time-lapse events involving individuals or family groups, rather than waves of people or ‘cultures’ covering whole landscapes in single events” (see Georgiadis 2009: 97, citing Anthony 1997: 23). On the example of the Pueblo Societies, see most recently Scheffer et al. 2021, with details and further references. On migrations at the end of the Late Bronze Age, see now Knapp 2021; also Middleton 2018a, 2018b.
(12)
Coulson 1990: 7, 9-10; Coldstream 1998, also 1992-93: 8, cited by Muhly 2003: 23; see now also J. Scott 2017: 216-17.
(13)
Merriam-Webster’s online entry: https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/dark%20age; see also the World History Encyclopedia: https://www.worldhistory.org/Greek_Dark_Age (both accessed December 9, 2022).
(14)
I discussed this at length in 1177 B.C.; see Cline 2021: 167, citing esp. Renfrew 1978, 1979: 482–87; see also now Faulseit 2016 (in his own edited volume): 5. Muhly (2011: 48) notes, “The loss of the art of writing is the defining characteristic of a Dark Age, but it remains a symptom, not the cause of such a period.” See also Snodgrass 1971: 2 and now Sherratt 2020: 196-97 on the characteristics of a Dark Age. See also previously Chew 2001: 9-10, 60–62; 2005: 52–58, 67–70; 2007: xvi, 6–10, 13-14, 16-17 (nn. 9-10), 79–83, 94–99; 2008: 92-93, 120-21, 130-31 for his definitions and characteristics, as well as specifically on what he sees as the Dark Ages in Greece following the Collapse; relevant to this are T. D. Hall’s (2014: 82–84) comments on the first edition of 1177 B.C.
(15)
Tainter 1988: 4, 19-20, 193, 197; 1999: 989–91, 1030; see also now Middleton 2017a, 2017c: 46.
(16)
Hesiod, Works and Days 174–79.
(17)
J. Scott 2017: 213, see also 214–18. See also Murray 2018c: 19, 22; previously the discussion in Dickinson 2006a: 3–9 and now the useful online summation by M. Lloyd (2017).

الفصل الأول: عام الضِّباع، عندما كان الرِّجال جياعًا

(1)
On the following, see previous discussion in Cline 2021: 131-32, with further references, esp. Redford 2002; also de Buck 1937; Clayton 1994: 164-65; Peden 1994: 195–210; Kitchen 2012: 7–11; Snape 2012: 412-13; Dodson 2019: 2.
(2)
The acquisition history of the papyrus follows Redford 2002: 5.
(4)
See again the references just cited.
(5)
See Cline 2021: 158, 160-61, with references; also Kaniewski, Guiot, and Van Campo 2015. See also Butzer 2012: 3634-35; Mushett Cole 2017: 5; Creasman 2020: 17–19, 29. On the food crisis, nonpayment of wages, and general strike, see Butzer 2012: 3634-35; Eyre 2012: 119–21, 124, 139; Goelet 2016: 456; Mushett Cole 2016: 47, 2017: 5–7; Dodson 2019: 2.
(6)
See Butzer 2012: 3634-35; Mushett Cole 2016: 47-48; Dodson 2019: 2. On Ramses IV in general, see Clayton 1994: 166-67; Eyre 2012: 121–23; Snape 2012: 413; Mushett Cole 2016: 48–49.
(7)
See Cline 2021: 150-51, with full references.
(8)
On Ramses V in general, see Grimal 1988: 287-88; Clayton 1994: 167; Snape 2012: 413, 423; Mushett Cole 2016: 50; also previously Cline 2021: 150-51. On the mines in the Sinai and Egyptian control, see Grimal 1988: 288; Clayton 1994: 168; Snape 2012: 414-15; Weinstein 2012: 173; Mushett Cole 2016: 49–52. On the Egyptian withdrawal see, in addition, e.g., Bunimovitz and Lederman 2014: 252-53.
(9)
See now further discussion, with earlier references, in Cline 2020: 185-86, 200 and fig. 31; also Snape 2012: 415; Mushett Cole 2016: 51.
(10)
See Grimal 1988: 288-89; Clayton 1994: 168-69; Chew 2007: 90; Snape 2012: 414; Mushett Cole 2016: 52-53.
(11)
See Grimal 1988: 289-90; Clayton 1994: 169-70; Eyre 2012: 134, 137, 139; Snape 2012: 415; Mushett Cole 2016: 53–55; Dodson 2019: 4–7. On the possible loss of Nubia at this time, see Mushett Cole 2016: 63; see now also Muhs 2022: 204.
(12)
Grimal 1988: 289-90; Peden 1994: 225–58; Reeves and Wilkinson 1996: 191; Eyre 2012: 134; Snape 2012: 415; Goelet 2016: 458–60; Mushett Cole 2016: 54-55; Dodson 2019: 4–6.
(13)
Peden 1994: 259–66; Reeves and Wilkinson 1996: 192; Goelet 2016: 460-61.
(14)
Clayton 1994: 168.
(15)
Grimal 1988: 291; Clayton 1994: 170; Mushett Cole 2016: 56.
(16)
Eyre 2012: 139. Mushett Cole 2017: 7-8 presents a slightly alternate translation: “year of hyenas when there was a famine.” See also Grimal 1988: 291; Snape 2012: 426; Koch 2021: 71-72.
(17)
Kitchen 1973: 248; Grimal 1988: 292; Clayton 1994: 171, 175; Snape 2012: 427; Mushett Cole 2016: 63; Dodson 2019: 16, 18-19, 21–24.
(18)
Kitchen 1973: 250; Grimal 1988: 291-92, 314; Clayton 1994: 171; Snape 2012: 427; Mushett Cole 2016: 64-65; Dodson 2019: 17-18, 24–29; Koch 2021: 72.
(19)
See now Reeves 1990: 186, 191-92, with further references; Reeves and Wilkinson 1996: 188–207; Aston 2020: 31–68; also Grimal 1988: 290; Snape 2012: 428; Dodson 2019: 42.
(20)
Kitchen 1973: 249-50, 254, 256–59; Grimal 1988: 292, 311; Clayton 1994: 178-79; Hallo and Simpson 1998: 283-84; Mushett Cole 2016: 64–66.
(21)
Kitchen 1973: 248–50, 257–59, 262; Grimal 1988: 292; Clayton 1994: 172, 176; Snape 2012: 428; Mushett Cole 2016: 64–66; Dodson 2019: 24–32, 39.
(22)
Grimal 1988: 290; Clayton 1994: 177-78; Snape 1996: 190; Reeves and Wilkinson 1996: 68-69, 101–3, 198-99; Reeves 2000: 101–4. Other royal bodies that apparently received Panedjem’s attention, in terms of being repaired though not necessarily moved, included Thutmose II, Amenhotep I, and Ramses III; see Dodson 2019: 42.
(23)
See, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 261, 271, 274-75; Grimal 1988: 314-15, 317–19; Clayton 1994: 179–81; Hallo and Simpson 1998: 284; Mushett Cole 2016: 66-67, 2017: 8; now Muhs 2022: 195, 204.
(24)
For the following, I am indebted to the original publication by Montet 1951: see esp. 19–21; Dodson 2019: 42, 66-67, 95-96, 101-2, figs. 24, 47, and 79; and the recent discussion in Brier 2023: 282-83. See also Kitchen 1973: 271; Grimal 1988: 317-18; Clayton 1994: 180-81; and the recounting of the discovery by McDowall 2014 and the PBS documentary Secrets of the Dead: The Silver Pharaoh (broadcast November 2, 2010).
(25)
Montet 1951: 19–21; Brier 2023: 282-83. See also Dodson 2019: 42, 95-96, 101-2, fig. 79.
(26)
Montet 1951: 21; translated from the French by E. H. Cline.
(27)
Montet 1951: 21-22; translated from the French by E. H. Cline.
(28)
Montet 1951: 21-22; translated from the French by E. H. Cline. On the translation and identification with Merneptah, see Montet 1951: 111-12.
(29)
Montet 1951: 22, also plate 95; translated from the French by E. H. Cline. Regarding the inscription on the black sarcophagus, see Montet 1951: 126–30; for the inscription on the silver coffin, see Montet 1951: 130–32. See also the discussion in Dodson 2019: 66-67, fig. 47.
(30)
Montet 1951: 22; Dodson 2019: 66-67, fig. 24.
(31)
Montet 1951: 22. Note again, for all of this, the further discussions in Brier 2023 and Dodson 2019. For the photographs and drawings of the three nested coffins and the gold mask, see Montet 1951: esp. plates 75–82, 95–105.
(32)
Ben-Dor Evian et al. 2021: 3; see also David 2021b for the reporting of this story in the popular media.
(33)
Ben-Dor Evian et al. 2021; cf. also previously Kassianidou 2014: 263–67; Yahalom-Mack et al. 2014: 174; Ben-Dor Evian 2017: 36. The area of the Timna mines was also the focus of media stories earlier in 2021, not for copper or turquoise, but because analysis of a piece of cloth dating back to the late eleventh or early tenth century B.C. was shown to have been dyed with the royal purple color perfected by the Phoenicians; see Sukenik et al. 2021 and media reports such as Borschel-Dan 2021; David 2021a; and Tercatin 2021.
(34)
See, e.g., with further references, Dothan 1982: 3-4; Cline and O’Connor 2003: 114-15; Killebrew 2005: 204-5; Yasur-Landau 2010: 2-3; now also, e.g., Schipper 2019: 15–18, 22; Yasur- Landau 2019: 416; Koch 2021: 76–80; Master 2021; Maeir 2022d. The literature on the Philistines and their initial settlement in this region is immense; in addition to the above references, see also, e.g., Howard 1994; Finkelstein 1995; Ehrlich 1996; Barako 2013; Ben-Shlomo 2014; Faust 2019; Maeir 2019, 2020; Koch 2020.
(35)
Macalister 1914; see also mentions, e.g., in Dothan 1982: 24; Yasur-Landau 2010: 2. On the recent excavations, see most recently the contributions in Maeir 2012; Maeir and Uziel 2020.
(36)
Ehrlich 1996: 56.
(37)
See, with previous references, Cline 2000: 44–59, 2004: 19, 2007: 119, 2009; also Broodbank 2013: 452; most recently Maeir 2022a; also relevant is Ben-Yosef and Thomas 2023.
(38)
See esp. the various recent publications by Avraham Faust of Bar Ilan University; e.g., Faust 2007, 2012, 2016, 2019.
(39)
The literature here too is vast. See, as just one example, Finkelstein 1988; also Cline 2004: 17, 2007: 114–18, 2009: 77, all with further references; Killebrew 2005: 152–54, 181–85.
(40)
Cline 2007: 118-19, 2021: 91. The literature on the boom in Israelite settlements during the Iron I period, and their characteristics, is again immense; see most recently, e.g., Killebrew 2005: 155–59, 173–81; Finkelstein 2013: 22, 27-28, 32-33; now also Ilan 2019; Schipper 2019: 15–18; and Ben-Yosef and Thomas 2023, who (if I understand their proposal correctly) suggest that there was still a nomadic segment of society that continued down into the United Monarchy in the tenth century B.C.
(41)
Cline 2007: 119.
(42)
Langgut, Neumann, et al. 2014: 294–98 and table 3; also Langgut, Finkelstein, et al. 2015: 217, 229–31; Finkelstein 2016: 116; Finkelstein and Langgut 2018. Note again, as stated above, that Kanieweski and his colleagues modified their original conclusions regarding climate change in the Eastern Mediterranean to also include this temporary uptick in moisture and better climatic conditions; see again Kaniewski et al. 2019a, esp. 6–9 and figs. 4–6, 2019b, 2020; also Finné et al. 2019: 859 (also 855 and fig. 2) and previous discussion in Cline 2021: 157-58.
(43)
Langgut, Neumann, et al. 2014: 298. On Moab, see Mattingly 1994; Finkelstein and Lipschits 2011; Finkelstein 2014; Steiner 2014. On Ammon, see Younker 1994, 2014. On Edom, see references given further below. On all of the above, i.e., “ancient Israel’s neighbors,” see now the very useful book by Doak 2020.
(44)
Cf. most recently Palmisano, Woodbridge, et al. 2019; Palmisano, Lawrence, et al. 2021: 7, 22-23, 106739; also now, including introducing the United Monarchy into these discussions, Ben-Yosef and Thomas 2023; Thomas and Ben-Yosef 2023. See also brief discussions below, with further references.
(45)
See full discussion, with references, in Cline 2000: 65–74, 2004: 20; also mentions in Dothan 1982: 16; Finkelstein 2013: 35-36.
(46)
See most recently Rollston 2019: 379. For the initial publication of the fragments, see Biran and Naveh 1993, 1995.
(47)
Translation following Schniedewind 1996: 77-78.
(48)
The inscription has been the subject of much debate over the years; for my previous discussions of this find, with references, see Cline 2000: 83–87, 2009: 59–63, with references.
(49)
On the proposed reading, see, e.g., Lemaire 1994. For contrasting views, see, e.g., Finkelstein, Na’aman, and Römer 2019; Na’aman 2019a. See also previous discussion in Cline 2009: 16–18, with earlier references; also Horn 1986. For additional publications regarding the story of the discovery of the Mesha Stele and its interpretation, see now also Richelle 2018: 28–30; Porter 2019: 324-25 and fig. 17.1; Schipper 2019: 38. On Mesha and the Moabites, see, e.g., Na’aman 1997.
(50)
Kitchen 1973: 273–75, 280; Grimal 1988: 318-19; see again Crowell 2021: 25, 196–201, 364–66, 382; also Na’aman 2021: 24–26.
(51)
Kitchen 1973: 271-72; Grimal 1988: 317-18; Clayton 1994: 181; Mushett Cole 2016: 68. See, most recently, the discussion in Crowell 2021: 25, 196–201, 364–66, 382; also Finkelstein 2020: 24, who doubts its contemporaneity to the actual events.
(52)
The literature is already substantial; see esp. Levy et al. 2008; Ben-Yosef, Levy, et al. 2010; Ben-Yosef, Liss, et al. 2019; Liss et al. 2020, with references to earlier publications, including Hoglund 1994, plus the many contributions in the two volumes published as Levy, Najjr, and Ben-Yosef 2014. Regarding the challenge to the industry on Cyprus, see, e.g., discussions in Crielaard 1998: 194-95; Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 125, 134, with previous references; Finkelstein 2013: 127, 2020: 18-19; Kassianidou 2014: 263-64; Yahalom-Mack et al. 2014: 174; Erb-Satullo 2019: 589; Knapp and Meyer 2020: 232–43. On Wadi Faynan, see discussion below and, e.g., Ben-Yosef, Levy, et al. 2010; Ben-Yosef, Liss, et al. 2019, with previous references; also Schipper 2019: 28.
(53)
See, e.g., Ben-Yosef 2019b, 2019c, 2020, 2021a, 2021b; Ben-Yosef, Liss, et al. 2019; Ben-Yosef and Thomas 2023, all with many earlier references. See also subsequent discussions by, e.g., Crowell 2021: 36-37, 41-42; Maeir 2021; and a rebuttal by Finkelstein 2020; now also Na’aman 2021; Bienkowski 2022. See now the overview in Crowell 2021: 8–16, with references to Glueck’s relevant publications.
(54)
The literature on this topic is already immense. See, e.g., as just a few examples, Garfinkel and Ganor 2008, 2010; Finkelstein and Fantalkin 2012; Finkelstein 2013: 54–59; Garfinkel 2017, 2021; Na’aman 2017; Schipper 2019: 23; and now Ussishkin 2022.
(55)
Regarding the multi-line inscription, see, e.g., Misgav, Garfinkel, and Ganor 2009; Galil 2010; Rollston 2011; now also Donnelly-Lewis 2022. Regarding the more recent inscription, see, e.g., Garfinkel et al. 2015.
(56)
See previously Cline 2009: 25–27, fig. 4, with references; Rollston 2019: 376-77.
(57)
Kitchen 1973: 280–82; Grimal 1988: 319; Mushett Cole 2016: 69-70; Schipper 2019: 27-28.
(58)
Mushett Cole 2016: 69-70, citing Dever 1993: 37.
(59)
Kitchen 1973: 282; Grimal 1988: 318-19; Clayton 1994: 181; but note also again the discussions in Crowell 2021 cited above.
(60)
See now Reeves 1990: 186, 191-92, with further references; Reeves and Wilkinson 1996: 188–207; Aston 2020: 31–68, with references. See also summaries in Grimal 1988: 318; Clayton 1994: 181; Snape 1996: 188; Mushett Cole 2016: 68, 70.
(61)
Wilson 1887: 1–10; A. B. Edwards 1882a: 185–97, 1882b: 113, 116; Gardner 1923: 30–52; Kitchen 1973: 277-78; Grimal 1988: 290-91; Reeves 1990: 186, 191-92; Clayton 1994: 177-78; Snape 1996: 188–90; Reeves and Wilkinson 1996: 194–97, 204, 207; Fagan 2004: 194–98; Bickerstaffe 2010: 13–36; Graefe and Belova 2010; Hawass 2010: 1; J. Thompson 2015: 8–10; Dodson 2019: 76-77; Aston 2020: 31–68.
(62)
See now discussion in Cline 2020: 1-2, 85–91, with references; previously Yadin 1976; also now Cantrell 2006; Cantrell and Finkelstein 2006; Franklin 2017.
(63)
See discussion in Cline 2009: 43–46, 64–66, 2020: 234-35, both with references; previously Yadin 1970.
(64)
See, e.g., Finkelstein 1996, 1999, 2013; see again now brief discussion in Cline 2009: 43–46, 64–66, with previous references. See now, e.g., Ortiz and Wolff 2021, who disagree with Finkelstein and argue that the remains from their Stratum 8 at Gezer “must date… more or less to Solomon’s reign” (238); see also the recent discussions by Richelle 2018: 82-83, 85–89; Garfinkel 2021; Garfinkel and Pietsch 2021.
(65)
See now Rollston 2016: 296-97; Bourogiannis 2018a: 73-74; Elayi 2018: 117–22; Bunnens 2019b: 65; Doak 2019: 660-61; Edrey 2019: 40; Na’aman 2019b; Hodos 2020: 40-41; López-Ruiz 2021: 288-89; previously Markoe 2000: 33–35; Aubet 2001: 44-45; Abulafia 2011: 66-67. See also previous discussions in Yadin 1970, 1976; Finkelstein 1996, 1999, 2013; Cantrell 2006; Cantrell and Finkelstein 2006; Cline 2009: 43–46, 64–66, 2020: 1-2, 85–91, 234-35, both with references; and now Franklin 2017; Richelle 2018: 82-83, 85–89; Garfinkel 2021; Garfinkel and Pietsch 2021; Ortiz and Wolff 2021.
(66)
All translations from the Hebrew Bible follow the NRSV version.
(67)
On Ain Dara, see, e.g., Sader 2014: 615-16, with references; also now J. F. Osborne 2021: 115–17, 200. The temple at the site was severely damaged in January 2018, reportedly by Turkish aircraft, according to media reports; see, e.g., Claire Voon, “Iron Age Temple in Syria Devastated by Turkish Air Raids,” Hyperallergic, January 9, 2018, https://hyperallergic.com/423867/ain-dara-temple-destroyed; Erika Engelhaupt, “Iconic Ancient Temple Is Latest Victim in Civil War,” National Geographic, January 30, 2018, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/syria-temple-ain-dara-destroyed-archaeology; Sarah Cascone, “Turkish Forces Nearly Destroy the Ancient Syrian Temple of Ain Dara,” Artnet News, January 30, 2018, https://news.artnet.com/art-world/destruction-ain-dara-1210982
(68)
See, e.g., Markoe 2000: 33-34; Aubet 2001: 204-5; Lipiński 2006: 181-82; recently Elayi 2018: 121–23; Bunnens 2019b: 60-61, with previous references; also Edrey 2019: 40; Roller 2019: 645-46; Sader 2019b: 127-28; Hodos 2020: 57-58, 104, 143-44.
(69)
See Kingsley 2021 and various media reports, including Jarus 2021.
(70)
Kitchen 1973: 283; Grimal 1988: 319; Clayton 1994: 181, 184-85; Chapman 2009, 2015; Sagrillo 2015; Mushett Cole 2016: 70, 72–74; Dodson 2019: 77–81, 87–89, 95, 101-2, fig. 79; Höflmayer and Gundacker 2021.
(71)
Kitchen 1973: 286-87; Grimal 1988: 319–22; Clayton 1994: 183-84; Kuhrt 1995: 626–28; Snape 2012: 431; Mushett Cole 2016: 75-76; Dodson 2019: 92-93.
(72)
See also 2 Chronicles 12: 2–9; discussion includes, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 295-96; Clayton 1994: 184-85; Cline 2004: 38–41; Mushett Cole 2016: 76-77, among many others.
(73)
See, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 296–300; Clayton 1994: 184-85; Ehrlich 1996: 63–65; Finkelstein 2002, 2013: 41–44, 76-77; Mushett Cole 2016: 76-77; Dodson 2019: 93, 95, figs. 66, 68, 70; Schipper 2019: 30-31, 36-37. See now also the numerous conference papers in James and van der Veen 2015.
(74)
See now the full discussion of the discovery in Cline 2020 and of the inscription itself previously in Cline 2000: 75–82, with earlier references found in both.
(75)
See Cline 2011 and now the relevant pages in Cline 2020.
(76)
See, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 294-95; Grimal 1988: 322-23.
(77)
Na’aman 2021: 24–26.
(78)
See now Dodson 2023: 297–307.
(79)
The results of the excavation have recently been published in a five-volume set (Mazar and Panitz-Cohen 2020), but briefer accessible articles have recently been published in Near Eastern Archaeology magazine in 2022; these will be cited below. On the mention by Sheshonq I, see Mazar 2022b: 122-23.
(80)
Mazar 2022b: 110-11, 114-15, 122.
(81)
All of the following information is based on the extremely useful article by Mazar, Panitz-Cohen, and Bloch 2022: 126–28, with references to the more comprehensive discussions published by those authors elsewhere.
(82)
See Mazar, Panitz-Cohen, and Bloch 2022: 128-29.
(83)
See again Mazar, Panitz-Cohen, and Bloch 2022: 126-27.
(84)
Mazar 2022b: 116; Mazar, Panitz-Cohen, and Bloch 2022: 127.
(85)
On the scarab, see the brief article in Antiquity by Levy, Münger, and Najjar 2014; on the campaign to this area, see also, e.g., Finkelstein 2016: 118, 2020: 20; Crowell 2021: 364; Na’aman 2021: 21–24. On related matters, see now also Ben-Dor Evian 2017: 36, 2021: 11; Maeir 2022a.
(86)
Kitchen 1973: 292; Grimal 1988: 322-23; Mushett Cole 2016: 75–77; Dodson 2019: 95; contra, Clayton 1994: 186.
(87)
See, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 308-9; Mushett Cole 2016: 78 (citing Louvre AO.9502); Dodson 2019: 99.
(88)
Kitchen 1973: 309-10, 324-25; Grimal 1988: 324–26; Clayton 1994: 186-87; Kuhrt 1995: 628; Ben-Dor Evian 2011: 98, 2017: 36; Mushett Cole 2016: 79, 81, 83; Dodson 2019: 104, 109, 192; Muhs 2022: 196-97, 199. Note that the lack of an inscription on the statue may simply be accidental; like the others, only a fragment of the statue is left to us, and it is possible that any Phoenician inscription that might have been carved into it is now not preserved. Muhs 2022: 200-201 notes a number of Egyptian stone vessels with inscriptions related to Osorkon II, Takeloth II, and Sheshonq III that have been found in Phoenician cemeteries in southern Spain, which he suggests were “presumably brought from Egypt by Phoenician merchants and colonists.”
(89)
Cf. Kitchen 1973: 331, 335; Grimal 1988: 328–30; Clayton 1994: 188-89; Kuhrt 1995: 625, 628; Mushett Cole 2016: 85–87, 89; Dodson 2019: 114-15, 119–21, 124-25, 127, 192.

الفصل الثاني: فاتح كل الأراضي، المُنتقِم لآشور

(1)
Grayson 1987: 309–11 (A.0.86.1); Neumann and Parpola 1987: 178, app. A, no. 1 (citing Borger 1964: 103, no. 6); Kuhrt 1995: 358. Note that Grayson prefers to translate it as “the extensive army of the Ahlamu” rather than “the widespread hordes” as per Borger; regardless, the general idea is the same; also I have followed Eckart Frahm (pers. comm.) in translating the first word as “slayer” rather than “murderer” as per Grayson. Note also that “š” is to be pronounced as a “sh” sound in the pages below, but that I have also been deliberately inconsistent and when “Š” begins a word, I have rendered it as “Sh” (as in Shalmaneser III), for ease of reading and pronunciation in English.
(2)
Oates 1979: 106; Postgate 1992: 249; Kirleis and Herles 2007: 7–10; Younger 2016: 100, 2017: 198; J. F. Osborne 2021: 36–40.
(3)
See again the references given above. On the shift in the Euphrates, see, e.g., Reculeau 2011: 2, with earlier references; Bryce 2016a: 66.
(4)
Neumann and Parpola 1987: 161; Postgate 1992: 247, 249; Kirleis and Herles 2007: 7–9; Bryce 2012: 163-64, 2014: 105-6; now Younger 2016: passim; Bunnens 2019a: 351, 362.
(5)
Grayson 1987: 309–22 (A.0.86.1–14); Jeffers 2013: 10-11; Radner 2018: 2.
(6)
See Grayson [1975] 2000: 164 (no. 21 ii, lines 6-7 and 8–13, respectively, for the first and second engagements); see also Brinkman 1968: 110; Frame 1995: 11; Glassner 2004: 186–88, with previous citations; Jeffers 2013: 213; Younger 2017: 199-200, 212 and n. 90.
(7)
Brinkman 1968: 3-4, 17; Kuhrt 1995: 477; Grayson [1975] 2000; Schneider 2014: 99, citing Glassner 2004; Frahm 2017: 163.
(8)
Schneider 2014: 99; see also Kuhrt 1995: 473–77; Grayson 2005; Frahm 2017: 163; Frahm 2019.
(9)
Schneider 2014: 98-99; see also Kuhrt 1995: 473–77.
(10)
Jeffers 2013: 75-76, with earlier references and documentation.
(11)
See, e.g., the discussions in Cline 2017: 52–65 (chap. 4), with full references; now also Frahm 2023: 4–14.
(12)
See now Frahm 2023: 24-25 for similar comments; also Reculeau 2011 for an example of grain yields recorded in Assyrian texts, albeit from the thirteenth century B.C.
(13)
Translations by Foster 2005: 382. See Brinkman 1968: 88-89, 104–106; Frame 1995: 11; Potts 1999: 252-53; Foster 2005: 376; Jeffers 2013: 24-25; Liverani 2014: 458; Bryce 2016a: 65-66; see also Cline 2014, 2021. The dates for Nebuchadnezzar I can vary by a year or two, depending on the scholar (e.g., 1126–1105 B.C.)
(14)
Brinkman 1968: 106–8, 112-13; Oates 1979: 105; Frame 1995: 11, 33–35; Kuhrt 1995: 375-76; Potts 1999: 253; Foster 2005: 383. According to Frame, the kudurru stone was found “in room 50 of the temple of the god Shamash at Sippar by Abd-al-Ahad Thoma in 1882 and is now in the British Museum (BM 90858; 82-5-22, 1800).”
(15)
Translation by Foster 2005: 383. See also previously Brinkman 1968: 106–8; Oates 1979: 105; Frame 1995: 33–35; Kuhrt 1995: 375-76.
(16)
Potts 1999: 233, 236–38, 240-41, 247, 252–63; Foster 2005: 376–80, 385–87; see also now Álvarez-Mon 2013: 457, 471; Waters 2013: 478-79; also previously Kuhrt 1995: 372-73.
(17)
Brinkman 1984: 172–75.
(18)
See Grayson 1987: 305–8 for the few inscriptions that might be tentatively dated to Aššurdan I’s reign, none of which can be considered to be a record of deeds or events occurring during his reign. See also Jeffers 2013: 3, 10-11; also Postgate 1992: 248 for the regnal dates.
(19)
Frahm (pers. com., February 24, 2023). However, he also notes that “it is clear from administrative texts that Assyria’s provincial system was still largely intact under Tiglath-pileser I, (which is) an argument against Assyria having experienced a dramatic decline during the previous decades.” Regarding writing on materials such as lead or wood, Bryce (2012: 57, 60) and Fuchs (2017: 254) both suggest this as a possibility for the Neo-Hittites as well, since there are a few examples of Luwian found written on lead strips in slightly later contexts at sites like Zincirli and Kululu (see now also J. F. Osborne 2021: 20-21, 45, 51); it is also a possibility for the earliest Greek inscriptions.
(20)
Finné et al. 2019: 859 (see also 855 and fig. 2); Kaniewski et al. 2019a, esp. 6–9 and figs. 4–6, 2019b, 2020.
(21)
Brinkman 1968: 92; Neumann and Parpola 1987: 178, app. A, no. 2; Grayson 1991: 43 (A.0.87.4) and see also 37 (A.0.87.3), on which the number is unclear; Kuhrt 1995: 358–61; Grayson 2005; Fales 2011: 11; Bryce 2012: 197–201; Jeffers 2013: 10-11; Liverani 2014: 463–66; Younger 2016: 36, 85, 168-69, 171, 2017: 200-201, 206-7; Radner 2018: 9; Düring 2020: 136; J. F. Osborne 2021: 39-40. Note the new redating of the Broken Obelisk to his reign instead of his son Aššur-bel-kala (Mahieu 2018: 79–86; Shibata 2022; Frahm 2023: 444n3), and see also Grayson 1991: 87, 99–105 (A.0.89.7); Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2, and 179, app. A, no. 8; Frame 1995: 50; Kirleis and Herles 2007: 9-10; Fales 2011: 18, 31; Liverani 2014: 443; Radner 2015: 69; Younger 2016: 37, 85, 181; Frahm 2023: 86-87.
(22)
Grayson 1991: 41 (A.0.87.4) and 52 (A.0.87.10).
(23)
Grayson 1991: 14 (A.0.87.1).
(24)
Grayson 1991: 14–25 (A.0.87.1), with quote taken from p. 14.
(25)
Grayson 1991: 30-31 (A.0.87.1).
(26)
Grayson 1991: 23 (A.0.87.1); see also an abbreviated version in a second inscription: Grayson 1991: 34 (A.0.87.2). See now also Younger 2016: 167, 2017: 202-3.
(27)
Grayson 1991: 13 (A.0.87.1). On the Aramaeans as archenemies, see, e.g., Grayson 1991: 5; Jeffers 2013: 10–12; Younger 2017: 208; Düring 2020: 136.
(28)
Grayson 1991: 37 (A.0.87.3), 42 (A.0.87.4), 53 (A.0.87.10), 98 (A.0.89.6), 103–5 (A.0.89.7), and 108 (A.0.89.10); Frame 1995: 50; Kuhrt 1995: 361; Sherratt 2003: 52; Bryce 2014: 114, 116; Rollston 2016: 295; Fales 2017: 218; Younger 2017: 205; Elayi 2018: 107-8; Monroe 2018: 237, 255-56; Sader 2019b: 34-35; Hodos 2020: 143; Regev 2021: 68; also in particular Frahm 2009: 11, 28–32, 2011: 61-62, 2023: 86-87, 444 n. 3, as well as again Mahieu 2018 and Shibata 2022 for discussions of redating the Broken Obelisk to this period and related matters. On the identification of the pharaoh as Ramses XI, which is dependent on the dates for that ruler, see, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 252; Frahm 2009: 31; Koch 2021: 72; Shibata 2022: 121. On the identification of the “river-man” as a monk seal, see now Nahm 2022: 236-37; I am indebted to Christopher W. Jones for bringing this to my attention.
(29)
Grayson 1991: 37 (A.0.87.3), 44 (A.0.87.4), and 57 (A.0.87.11); see, e.g., K. Yamada 2005, for a brief consideration of what a nahiru might have been; see also now Bryce 2012: 200-201, 2014: 116; Broodbank 2013: 459 (who suggests that it is a “sperm whale”); Younger 2016: 172, 2017: 205; Elayi 2018: 104–6 (who suggests that it was a hippopotamus); Monroe 2018: 217; also now DeGrado 2019: 109 and n. 14, who agrees and provides discussion that it is a hippopotamus. Note that Fales (2017: 218–20, with references), covers all of the possibilities: “The identification of the nāḫiru is still at present the subject of controversy, with a vast gamut of suggested solutions (hippopotamus, dolphin, shark, seal, walrus, monk seal, sperm whale, orca (killer whale), humpback whale, toothed whale, cetacean).”
(30)
Louisa Loveluck and Mustafa Salim, “From Cradle to Grave: Where Civilization Emerged between the Tigris and Euphrates Climate Change Is Poisoning the Land and Emptying the Villages,” Washington Post, October 21, 2021.
(31)
Younger 2016: 158, 165, 2017: 196; Frahm 2017: 165–67.
(32)
Fales 2011: 14, citing Liverani 1988a: 657; see now also Liverani 2014: 467.
(33)
Brinkman 1968: 124–30; Oates 1979: 106; Grayson [1975] 2000: 164-65 (no. 21 ii, lines 14–24); Grayson 1991: 43-44 (A.0.87.4) and 53 (A.0.87.10); Frame 1995: 38; Jeffers 2013: 10-11, 214–24, 233–44, 252–54; Younger 2016: 173, 2017: 210, 212–17, 221-22.
(34)
See Grayson 1991: 43-44, 2005; Millard 1994; Kuhrt 1995: 477; Younger 2016: 173-74, 2017: 210, 221-22; Frahm 2017: 162-63. Younger gives these absolute dates, citing Jeffers 2013: 120–28, 185–210, who goes into a detailed discussion as to why these eponym dates should be considered correct.
(35)
Grayson 1991: 44-45 (A.0.87.4), 54-55 (A.0.87.10), and see also fragmentary inscriptions (e.g., A.0.87.5, 8, and 11); Jeffers 2013: 45; Elayi 2018: 106-7.
(36)
Brinkman 1968: 387-88; Grayson [1975] 2000: 189, 1991: 5; Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2, and 178, app. A, no. 4; Glassner 2004: 188–91; Radner 2015: 68; Younger 2016: 174, 2017: 218–20; Frahm 2023: 87.
(37)
Brinkman 1968: 387-88; Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2, and 178-79, app. A, no. 5; Kuhrt 1995: 361; Grayson [1975] 2000: 189; Jeffers 2013: 254; Younger 2016: 174–76, 2017: 200, 220; Frahm 2023: 87. Both this crop failure and the previous famine were possibly caused by climate change, according to some scholars (see esp. Kirleis and Herles 2007: 12-13, cited by Younger), which seems very likely to be correct, in light of data that has since emerged elsewhere (see, e.g., summary in Cline 2014, 2021).
(38)
Grayson 1991: 86, 92 (A.0.89.2), 96 (A.0.89.4), 108 (A.0.89.10); Frame 1995: 50; Kuhrt 1995: 361; Elayi 2018: 107-8; Monroe 2018: 256. See again Mahieu 2018 and Shibata 2022 for discussions of redating the Broken Stele and other inscriptions to the time of Tiglath-Pileser I.
(39)
Brinkman 1968: 189, 387–89; Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2, and 179-80, app. A, nos. 9–12, with earlier references; Kuhrt 1995: 362.
(40)
Brinkman 1968: 189, 388; Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2, and 180, app. A, no. 12.
(41)
Oates 1979: 108; Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2, and 180-81, app. A, nos. 13–15.
(42)
Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2, and 181, app. A, no. 15; Grayson 1991: 131, 134-35 (A.0.98.1); Postgate 1992: 248–50 and table 1; Kuhrt 1995: 479–81; Kirleis and Herles 2007: 13; Liverani 2014: 475; Radner 2015: 69; Younger 2016: 221–24; Frahm 2017: 167-68, 2023: 88–92; Radner 2018: 11; Düring 2020: 144.
(43)
Grayson 1991: 142, 145; Kuhrt 1995: 482; Liverani 2014: 475-76; Frahm 2017: 168, 2023: 93; Elayi 2018: 108-9. Note that his name is sometimes rendered as Adad-nerari II; e.g., by Younger 2016: 221, 234-35.
(44)
Brinkman 1968: 169-70, 180–82; Grayson [1975] 2000: 166 (no. 21 iii, lines 1–11), 1991: 148–55 (A.0.99.2), 156 (A.0.99.4); Bryce 2016a: 67; Radner 2018: 11.
(45)
Sinha et al. 2019: 1–4 and fig. 3. I am grateful to Eckart Frahm for bringing this study to my attention.
(46)
Rassam 1897: 200-201; see Curtis and Tallis 2008: 2, 7, 9-10. On Rassam, Layard, and Nineveh, see Cline 2017: 58–63. On the identification of Balawat as Imgur-Enlil, see Tucker 1994.
(47)
Rassam 1897: 207-8, 210–12; quoted also by S. Lloyd 1980: 151; Curtis and Tallis 2008: 10–12. See King 1915: 10–13 for the additional quotations and other statements of interest. See also Curtis and Tallis 2008: 84–87 for copies of Rassam’s correspondence to the British Museum during 1878. See also discussion in Harmansah 2007: 193–95, with references.
(48)
King 1915: 5, 9–12. See also Curtis and Tallis 2008: 2-3, 9-10, 12-13, 17-18.
(49)
Curtis and Tallis 2008: 10–12.
(50)
Curtis and Tallis 2008: 2-3, 8, 15, 23, 85. See Grayson 1991: 321–23, 345–51 (A.0.101.51 and A.0.101.80–97).
(51)
Rassam 1897: 214-15; S. Lloyd 1980: 152; Curtis and Tallis 2008: 85-86.
(52)
See now, updating Grayson 1991, Curtis and Tallis 2008: 26, 32, 35, 37, 45, figs. 11-12, 17-18, 21-22, 37-38.
(53)
Curtis and Tallis 2008: 2-3, 17-18, 47. On Mamu, originally a Sumerian deity, see, in passing, Tucker 1994: 107.
(54)
Curtis and Tallis 2008: 19, 48-49.
(55)
Curtis and Tallis 2008: 19.
(56)
Curtis and Tallis 2008: 3, 19-20.
(57)
Liverani 1988b: 85-86, 91; Postgate 1992: 255-56; Schneider 2014: 99-100; Düring 2020: 144-45, 152; Frahm 2023: 90–93.
(58)
On the various campaigns, see Liverani 2014: 476; Frahm 2023: 93-94; also Oates 1979: 108; Neumann and Parpola 1987: 176, table 2; Grayson 1991: 163-64, 169-70; Postgate 1992: 248 and table 1; Kuhrt 1995: 482-83; Bryce 2012: 210–17; Schneider 2014: 100; Frahm 2017: 168-69. On Ziyaret Tepe, see MacGinnis and Matney 2009; Matney et al. 2017.
(59)
Grayson 1991: 189-90; Kuhrt 1995: 483-84; Liverani 2014: 476; Schneider 2014: 100; Frahm 2017: 169, 2023: 83-84, 95-96.
(60)
For the translation, see Grayson 1991: 256–62 (A.0.101.19); Younger 2016: 183.
(61)
See Taylor 1865: 21–56; the quotation is found on pp. 22-23.
(62)
Grayson 1991: 210 (A.0.101.1) and also repeated nearly verbatim again on the Kurkh Monolith (A.0.101.19), see Grayson 1991: 260. There are numerous other instances that could also be quoted; see, e.g., Grayson 1991: 237–54 (A.0.101.17) for another inscription with detailed descriptions of what was done in the aftermath of a battle; also Frahm 2017: 169.
(63)
Neumann and Parpola 1987: 181, app. A, no. 16; Grayson 1991: 213–16 (A.0.101.1), 243 (A.0.101.17); Kuhrt 1995: 484; Grayson 2005; Kirleis and Herles 2007: 13n27; Schneider 2014: 100; Radner 2015: 69; Bryce 2016a: 68.
(64)
Grayson 1991: 189; Bryce 2012: 215; Liverani 2014: 480; Radner 2014b: 107, 2015: 27-28, 32, 2016: 44, 2017: 213, 2018: 11-12; Cline 2017: 58; Frahm 2017: 169-70, 2023: 95–97.
(65)
Grayson 1991: 192; Fagan 2007: 115; Radner 2015: 29-30, 35; Cline 2017: 57-58, with further references; Larson 2017: 586–88; Frahm 2023: 97–99; see also Layard 1849.
(66)
Grayson 1991: 268–76 (A.0.101.23), esp. 276; see also, e.g., 227-28 (A.0.101.2); Kuhrt 1995: 485-86.
(67)
Radner 2015: 35–37, 2016: 45; see also Kuhrt 1995: 486-87.
(68)
Grayson 1991: 3, 288–93 (A.0.101.30), esp. 292-93; Kuhrt 1995: 486-87; Aubet 2008: 183-84; Bryce 2012: 217; Podany 2014: 100-101; Radner 2015: 35–37, 2016: 44; Fales 2017: 224; Frahm 2017: 170, 2023: 95-96; Monroe 2018: 258-59; Bunnens 2019b: 59, 63-64.
(69)
Bryce 2012: 217-18.
(70)
Grayson 1991: 218-19 (A.0.101.1), 226 (A.0.101.2); see also Kuhrt 1995: 485; Aubet 2001: 55, 2008: 183-84; Schneider 2014: 100; Rollston 2016: 298; Fales 2017: 221–24; Elayi 2018: 129–31; Monroe 2018: 256, 258-59; Bunnens 2019b: 62, 66; DeGrado 2019: 109 and n. 14; Sader 2019b: 56; Hodos 2020: 143; Frahm 2023: 104-5.
(71)
Curtis and Tallis 2008: 52, 57-58, 65, figs. 63–66, 79-80.
(72)
Grayson 1996: 98 (A.0.102.25); Radner 2014b: 106; Frahm 2017: 170-71. See also King 1915: 17–20 and Grayson 1996: 27–32 (A.0.102.5) for the long inscription accompanying the reliefs on the Balawat gates.
(73)
See again, e.g., Kuhrt 1995: 488-89. On the summation, with the numerical figures given, see Grayson 1996: 55 (A.0.102.10).
(74)
Brinkman 1968: 191–200; 204-5; Grayson [1975] 2000: 167 (no. 21 iii, lines 22–34), 2005; Oates 1979: 109-10; Bryce 2012: 218–44; see also Kuhrt 1995: 487–89, 577; Frahm 2017: 171, 2023: 110-11.
(75)
Rassam 1897: 214; Kuhrt 1995: 487; Grayson 2005. Regarding Band III, in the British Museum, see King 1915: 23, pls. 13–18; Grayson 1996: 141 (A.0.102.66). On the scene of Tyre and the mention of both Tyre and Sidon, see also Aubet 2001: 51, 55, 2008: 183-84; Abulafia 2011: 69; Fales 2017: 226; Elayi 2018: 134-35; Bunnens 2019b: 59, 62, 66; Garnand 2020: 146. Note that some (e.g., Aubet 2001: 51; Abulafia 2011: 69) state specifically that King Ethobaal (or Ithobaal) of Tyre is pictured, but that is wishful thinking; he is not mentioned in the inscription, and it is not clear who the specific figures are.
(76)
On the fragment in the Walters Art Gallery, see Grayson 1996: 147 (A.0.102.84). On the Monolith Inscription, see Grayson 1996: 17 (A.0.102.2). See also the references just mentioned in the previous note, e.g., Rassam 1897: 214; Aubet 2001: 55, 2008: 183-84; Fales 2017: 226; Bunnens 2019b: 59, 62, 66; Garnand 2020: 146.
(77)
See, e.g., Fales 2011: 12 and Bryce 2012: 163–65 on some of these settlements. Also Grayson 2005; Radner 2014a: 84. See, e.g., Grayson 1996: 11–24 (A.0.102.2) for mentions of the various Aramaean city-states against whom he campaigned. See now also Younger 2016; Düring 2020: 148.
(78)
Radner 2014a: 71, 74; see also p. 6 in the same volume.
(79)
See Kuhrt 1995: 487-88; Grayson 1996: 11–24 (A.0.102.2), esp. 23-24, 2005; J. Miller and Hayes 2006: 247, 292, 294 (text no. 3); Bryce 2012: 175–77, 226–30; Schneider 2014: 100-101; Frahm 2017: 171, 2023: 109-10; Elayi 2018: 134-35; Schipper 2019: 40-41.
(80)
See Grayson 1996: 11–24 (A.0.102.2), esp. 23-24, 2005; quoted by Bryce 2012: 226–30, 2014: 124-25; also Frahm 2023: 110. See also Fales 2017: 226–28; Monroe 2018: 259; Bunnens 2019b: 66; Sader 2019b: 82; Garnand 2020: 146. On the gifts from the Egyptian pharaoh Osorkon II to Byblos and Samaria, as well as the Egyptian participation at Qarqar, see, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 324-25, with references; also Muhs 2022: 196-97, 199.
(81)
See, e.g., Grayson 1996: 32–41 (A.0.102.6), esp. 36, and 42–48 (A.0.102.8), esp. 45; also a large stone tablet in the wall at Aššur, recorded by Grayson 1996: 50–56 (A.0.102.10), esp. 52; and other instances listed by Grayson (passim). However, on the Black Obelisk, he says that the number killed were “20,500” and elsewhere the figure is given as “29,000”; see, e.g., Grayson 1996: 65 (A.0.102.14) and 75 (A.0.102.16). See also full discussion in S. Yamada 2000; Grayson 2005.
(82)
King 1915: 29-30, pls. 48–53; Grayson 1996: 144-45 (A.0.102.76).
(83)
Grayson 1996: 48, 54, 60 (compare A.0.102.8 and A.0.102.12 with A.0.102.10); Lipiński 2006: 180.
(84)
On all of this, see variously Kitchen 1973: 327; Grayson 1996: 151 (A.0.102.89); Aubet 2001: 55; Miller and Hayes 2006: 307 (text no. 5); Fales 2017: 228; Dodson 2019: 109, 192; Sader 2019b: 129.
(85)
Bryce 2012: 39, 153-54, 239–41, 2016b: 67–69, 74; J. F. Osborne 2021: 65-66.
(86)
These various campaigns are listed in a large number of Shalmaneser III’s inscriptions; one is depicted on Band XIII of the Balawat gates, with graphic scenes of the capturing of cities. See, e.g., Grayson 1996: 5-6 and passim, esp. 48-49 (A.0.102.9), 50–56 (A.0.102.10), esp. 54, as well as 58–61 (A.0.102.12), esp. 60, and 62–71 (A.0.102.14 = the Black Obelisk), esp. 67. See also King 1915: 34, pls. 72–77; Na’aman 1995; Grayson 2005; Miller and Hayes 2006: 292; Bryce 2012: 175–77, 237-38, 2014: 126-27, 236-37; Schneider 2014: 101; Frahm 2023: 110.
(87)
See my previous discussion of this matter, and the biblical parallels, in Cline 2000: 82–88. See also Biran and Naveh 1993, 1995; Schniedewind 1996; Na’aman 2000, 2006; Sergi 2017; Richelle 2018: 31-32; Schipper 2019: 42; Younger 2020. Note that Arie (2008: 34–38) suggests that Hazael set up the inscription when he (re)built the city, rather than simply conquering it; this suggestion has been contested by Thareani (2016b, 2019a, 2019b). On Hazael and the Aramaeans in the southern Levant in general, see now Finkelstein 1999, 2013: 119–26; Kleiman 2016; Sergi 2017; Sergi and Kleiman 2018; Younger 2020.
(88)
See, e.g., discussions in Schniedewind 1996; Na’aman 2006, with references; Finkelstein 2013: 85.
(89)
On imprisoning Hazael, killing his men, and capturing chariots and cavalry, see Grayson 1996: 58–61 (A.0.102.12), esp. 60; see also, on simply the killing and capturing, but without the imprisoning, 62–71 (A.0.102.14 = the Black Obelisk), esp. 67; also Frahm 2017: 171.
(90)
On the siege trench and Hazael’s destruction at Gath, see now Maeir and Gur-Arieh 2011, with many previous references; Kleiman 2016: 63, 67–69; Maeir 2017a, 2017b, 2022d: 230-31; Ben-Yosef and Sergi 2018; Gur-Arieh and Maeir 2020; Chadwick 2022. On his destruction at Gath in general, as reported by the biblical account, see, e.g., Ehrlich 1996: 72–74; Levin 2017.
(91)
Mazar 2022a: 86, 2022b: 110-11, 122-23; Mazar and Mullins 2022: 146; Panitz-Cohen and Mazar 2022: 144-45.
(92)
On Hazael and the ending of copper production in Wadi Faynan and the Arabah Valley, see, e.g., Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006: 30–32; Finkelstein 2013: 126, 2020: 21-22; Ben-Yosef and Sergi 2018; Crowell 2021: 42; Maeir 2021. These activities, and the cessation of the copper route from Faynan, may have affected sites as far away as Tel Dor, on the coast; see Arkin Shalev et al. 2021: 146. On the possibility of a sudden lack of available fuel for the furnaces, see now Cavanagh, Ben-Yosef, and Langgut 2022.
(93)
On the translation(s), see Bron and Lemaire 1989; Eph’al and Naveh 1989; Na’aman 1995, all with earlier references. On the topic as a whole, see most recently Bourogiannis 2018a: 57-58, 2020: 171-72, 2021: 103, with earlier references; López-Ruiz 2021: 185-86; J. F. Osborne and Hall 2022: 6-7. See also previously S. P. Morris 1992a: 147; Kourou 2004: 17-18, 2008b: 367.
(94)
See again Kourou 2004: 17-18, 2008b: 367 and the other references cited above.
(95)
On the interpretation, see again Bron and Lemaire 1989; Eph’al and Naveh 1989; Na’aman 1995.
(96)
Schneider 2014: 101. Re the Black Obelisk, see Grayson 1996: 62–71 (A.0.102.14); for the depiction and inscription regarding Jehu in particular, see Grayson 1996: 149 (A.0.102.88); Postgate 1992: 253, fig. 3, and 255; originally Layard 1849: pl. 53. See also Kuhrt 1995: 488; Grayson 2005; Miller and Hayes 2006: 236, 247, 307 (text no. 5); Fagan 2007: 122-23; Younger 2016: 613–18; Cline 2017: 57-58, with further references; Frahm 2017: 171, 2023: 110; Schipper 2019: 41-42.
(97)
See Grayson 1996: 209–12 (A.0.104.7), esp. 211; Miller and Hayes 2006: 238, 247; Bryce 2012: 50–52, 245; Schneider 2014: 101; Fales 2017: 228-29; Frahm 2017: 174-75; Elayi 2018: 136-37; Bunnens 2019b: 67; Sader 2019b: 66. On the dates of Joash/Jehoash, king of Israel (not to be confused with the slightly earlier king of Judah who had the same name), see Miller and Hayes 2006: 222.
(98)
Ehrlich 1996: 81–85, 168–71; Grayson 1996: 212-13 (A.0.104.8), esp. 213; Bryce 2012: 50-51; Ben-Shlomo 2014: 717; Schneider 2014: 101; Fales 2017: 228–30; Bunnens 2019b: 67; Na’aman 2021: 19-20.
(99)
Sinha et al. 2019.

الفصل الثالث: البحر الأبيض المتوسط أصبح بحيرةً فينيقية

(1)
I am indebted to Brien Garnand and Chris Rollston for these points (pers. comm., July 10 and 12, 2022); see now also López-Ruiz 2022: 37.
(2)
Hdt. 2.49, 5.57-58; translation following A. D. Godley, 1920. See also Flavius Josephus, Against Apion 1.6; Tacitus, The Annals, XI.14. See, e.g., Bourogiannis 2018b: 236; Elayi 2018: 96; most recently Rollston 2019: 384-85; Bendall and West 2020: 67-68. See also Quinn 2018a: xv; López-Ruiz 2021: 234–36.
(3)
Diodorus Siculus, Bib. hist. 3.67.1; translation following Oldfather 1933. See again Bourogiannis 2018b: 236; Rollston 2019: 384-85; Sader 2019b: 151–55, 268-69.
(4)
Diodorus Siculus, Bib. hist. 5.74.1; translation following C. H. Oldfather. See again Bourogiannis 2018b: 236; Rollston 2019: 384-85.
(5)
I am indebted to Chris Rollston for his thoughts on these points (pers. comm., July 12, 2022); he notes that Hebrew and Aramaic (and related languages) did have a fledgling system of marking long vowels, but not short ones. On the Phoenicians standardizing the alphabet prior to spreading it across the Mediterranean, and its relative ease of use, see now Rollston 2016: 276, 278, 2019: 374–78, 384-85, 2020: 76; also Liverani 2014: 390-91; Bourogiannis 2018b: 236, 238, 241, 2021: 100; Elayi 2018: 96; Sader 2019b: 151–55, 315; Steele 2020: 260, 263–65; López-Ruiz 2021: 228-29. The Phoenician alphabet was deciphered as early as 1758; see Quinn 2018a: 17.
(6)
Strabo XVI.2.23; translation following H. L. Jones, 1932. For comprehensive overviews and/or discussions of the Phoenicians in recent decades, see Aubet 1993 (rev. 2001); Markoe 2000; Niemeyer 2006; and more recently, Elayi 2018; Monroe 2018; Quinn 2018a, 2018b, 2019; Edrey 2019; Killebrew 2019; Sader 2019a, 2019b: 1, 251, 296-97, 315-16; López-Ruiz 2021; Regev 2021; see also previously Katzenstein 1973. See also briefer mentions in Aubet 2008: 182; Broodbank 2013: 449; Liverani 2014: 420-21, 423; Bell 2016: 91-92, 101; Rollston 2016: 267; Bourogiannis 2018a: 43-44; Knodell 2021: 181–83; previously Kuhrt 1995: 402-3.
(7)
On the Phoenicians and purple dye in general, as well as earlier use in both the Aegean and the Near East, see, e.g., Sader 2019b: 296–300, 315-16, with earlier references, including Reese 1987, 2010; see also Stieglitz 1994. See now also Veropoulidou, Andreou, and Kotsakis 2008; Veropoulidou 2014; Apostolakou et al. 2016; López-Ruiz 2021: 291-92; Gambash, Pestarino, and Friesem 2022.
(8)
Monroe 2018: 234; Quinn 2018b, also 2018a: xv, xviii, xxii–xxiv, 25-26, and passim, 2019: 672; Edrey 2019: 4, 205; Sader 2019b: 1–3; Hodos 2020: 60-61; Regev 2021: 5-6, 8-9, 14; Gilboa 2022: 32-33; J. F. Osborne and Hall 2022: 15; López-Ruiz 2022: 28; previously, e.g., Sherratt 1994: 82; Aubet 2001: 6–13. For examples of Homer and the Phoenicians, see, e.g., Sherratt 1994: 82n34, 2010; Quinn 2018a: 48-49; Bendall and West 2020: 68; Sherratt 2020: 198; Regev 2021: 13; previously Kuhrt 1995: 403; Winter 1995. See also, e.g., Bourogiannis 2018a: 46-47 (with earlier references), who cites a variety of passages from the Iliad and the Odyssey, including Il. 6.289–92, 23.741–45; Od. 4.83-84, 4.615–19, 13.272–86, 14.285–301, 15.415–25, 15.446, 15.450–56, and 15.461–83.
(9)
Markoe 2000: 14-15; Aubet 2001: 16, 25, 2008: 182; Sherratt 2010: 122–26, 2019: 129; Bell 2006: 113, 2016: 92 (citing Lehmann 2008); Abulafia 2011: 64; Broodbank 2013: 449; Liverani 2014: 420; Quinn et al. 2014; Rollston 2016: 267; Fales 2017: 208; Bourogiannis 2018a: 44–47; Monroe 2018: 263; Quinn 2018a: 16, 2018b; Edrey 2019: 5, 14-15, 20, 205-6, 222; Bunnens 2019b: 58, 60; Ilieva 2019: 66-67; Killebrew 2019; Lehmann 2019: 466, 2021: 272-73; Sader 2019a: 125, 2019b: xii–xiv, 1–3, 6, 8–11, 313-14; Garnand 2020: 140, 144; Manolova 2020: 1198–200; López-Ruiz 2021: 9–11, 15–17, 2022: 31; Regev 2021: 5–7; Gilboa 2022: 31-32; S. P. Morris 2022: 100. See also Charaf 2020-21 on the excavations at Tell Arqa in Lebanon and the brief discussions encompassing the entire Levant during the Iron Age I in Welton and Charaf 2019-20, 2020-21.
(10)
E.g., Bell 2006: 92, 99, 113; Abulafia 2011: 65-66; Liverani 2014: 420; Edrey 2019: 218–20, 223; Ilieva 2019: 66; Sader 2019b: 4; López-Ruiz 2021: 17, 80, 283-84; Gilboa 2022: 36; see also previously, e.g., Aubet 2001: 25.
(11)
Bell 2006: 113. See also, e.g., Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 364-65; Bikai 1994: 34; Bell 2006: 94; Fletcher 2012: 212-13, with previous references; Bourogiannis 2013: 141-42, 2018a: 47; Bunnens 2019b: 60, 70; Edrey 2019: 207; Manolova 2020: 1200.
(12)
Monroe 2018: 260.
(13)
See Taleb 2007, 2014: 3, 5, 17, 31-32. It seems especially fitting to invoke this term “anti-fragile” here, as Taleb—who was born in Lebanon—refers to “the Phoenician trader in me (or, more exactly, the Canaanite)”; see Taleb 2014: 17. See discussion about Taleb and “black swans” previously in Cline 2021.
(14)
On the cinnamon, see Namdar et al. 2013; Finkelstein, Weiner, and Boaretto 2015: 200; Gilboa and Namdar 2015; Finkelstein 2016: 119-20 and fig. 3; Regev 2021: 49, 133. Such contacts may have involved the Philistines as well, as evidence for the importation of bananas has now been found at Tell Erani; see A. Scott et al. 2020. On the finds at Safi, see now Maeir 2022b, c. For a very important overview of such trade, see Maeir forthcoming.
(15)
See, e.g., the catalog in Sherratt 1994: 86–88, updating the original catalogs in Waldbaum 1978, 1982 and Desborough 1972: 119. See now also Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 125-26, 134-35; Kassianidou 2014: 264-65; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1145; also previously Crielaard 1998: 191.
(16)
See Karageorghis 1994: 4-5; Sherratt 1994: 60-61, 65-66, 83–85, 2003: 43-44, 47-48, 2015: 77; also Snodgrass 1983: 285–94, 1994: 167-68; R. Osborne 1996: 25–27; Crielaard 1998: 191; Iacovou 2008: 641-42, 2012: 211-12, 2014c: 799, 801; Kassianidou 2012: 237–39, 2014: 264–67; Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 124, 134-35, with previous references; Broodbank 2013: 451; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1144-45; also Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 976–78. See, however, Schachner 2020b: 1121, for a brief discussion of an alternative suggestion that the technology might have been developed in the region near Lake Van during the eleventh and tenth centuries B.C. Some scholars have suggested that the Phoenicians may have also facilitated the spread of iron technology as well, perhaps as additional agents bringing such objects to the Aegean; see Bell 2016: 101; Fales 2017: 249-50, 260; Erb-Satullo 2019: 567, with previous references; also briefly Johnston and Kaufman 2019: 408.
(17)
E.g., Strabo, Geography XII.3.19; Xenophon, Anabasis V.v.1; Apollonius, Argonautica II, 1002–8. See also discussions in, e.g., Waldbaum 1978; Bryer 1982; Muhly et al. 1985: 74; Kostoglou 2010; Bebermeier et al. 2016; Erb-Satullo, Gilmour, and Khakhutaishvili 2020.
(18)
See discussions, all with references, in, e.g., Snodgrass 1967: 36; Muhly et al. 1985: 70-71; Sherratt 1994: 64-65; Cordani 2016; Hodos 2020: 37. On the dagger with the iron blade in Tutankhamun’s tomb, see now Comelli et al. 2016; Matsui et al. 2022.
(19)
See, e.g., Snodgrass 1971: 237–39; I. Morris 1989: 503; Bell 2006: 110; Chew 2007: 103-4; Kassianidou 2014: 262; now Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 976, reiterating the arguments in brief. New studies now show that about one-third of the tin found on the Uluburun shipwreck, which went down ca. 1300 B.C., came from sources in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, and the rest came from sources in Anatolia; see Powell, Johnson, et al. 2021; Powell, Frachetti, et al. 2022.
(20)
See Oates 1979: 104, citing an unpublished paper by Snodgrass; also Snodgrass 1971: 237–39, 1980: 348-49, 368-69, 1994: 167-68; Muhly 1980: 47, 53; Waldbaum 1980: 82-83, 90-91; Wertime 1980: 1; Karageorghis 1994: 4; Chew 2007: 103-4. See also the reviews by Waldbaum 1999; Kostoglou 2010; Enverova 2012: 25–27; and Erb-Satullo 2019: esp. 580-81.
(21)
Kassianidou 2014: 265–67. See also Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 134; Erb-Satullo 2019: 558, 566–68, 572–74, 580–83, 593; also Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 976–78. See previously, i.e., I. Morris 1989; Muhly 1992: 17-18; Sherratt 2000: 82-83; Dickinson 2006a: 144-45; Eliyahu-Behar et al. 2012: 55, 2013: 4319; Enverova 2012: 25; Kassianidou 2013: 69, 71; Yahalom-Mack and Eliyahu-Behar 2015; Murray 2017: 174-75, 261–63; Eliyahu-Behar and Yahalom-Mack 2018: 447; Knodell 2021: 171-72.
(22)
Erb-Satullo 2019: 557-58, 574, 582-83, with references; previously, e.g., Snodgrass 1980: 336-37; Sherratt 1994: 59, 2000: 82-83; I. Morris 1989: 502–6; Karageorghis 1994: 5; Chew 2007: 101; Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 124, 135; see now also Johnston and Kaufman 2019: 408, on the Phoenicians, Cyprus, and the spread of iron technology.
(23)
Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 124, 135, with previous references; see also Kassianidou 2012: 231, 239-40, 2013: 52; Knodell 2021: 171-72; previously, e.g., Snodgrass 1971: 214-15, 1994: 168; Karageorghis 1994: 4-5; Sherratt 1994: 62, 66, 2015: 77; Enverova 2012: 73-74; Broodbank 2013: 451.
(24)
Snodgrass 1971: 217–19, 229, 1994: 167-68; Karageorghis 1994: 4-5; Sherratt 1994: 60–62, 68–75, and app. 1, 2016: 295–97; Dickinson 2006a: 146-47; Iacovou 2008: 641-42, 2012: 211-12, 2014b: 670, 2014c: 799, 801-2; Enverova 2012: 75–78, 81, 89-90; Kassianidou 2012: 237–39; Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 125-26, 134-35, with previous references; Broodbank 2013: 450-51; Kearns 2015: 37-38; Wallace 2018: 393; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1145; Knodell 2021: 172-73. On possible trade routes between Cyprus and Sardinia, see, e.g., Blake 2014: 104; Saltini Semerari 2017: 553-54; Sabatini and Lo Schiavo 2020.
(25)
On the problems affecting the Terramare culture, see previously Cline 2021: 153, citing Kristiansen 2018: 100–103. See now also Cardarelli 2009; Palmisano, Bevan, and Shennan 2017; Dalla Longa 2019; Cupitò, Dalla Longa, and Balista 2020; Palmisano, Bevan, et al. 2021; Parkinson et al. 2021; Molloy 2022: 36-37, 45, 47 (online version). On Sardinia and the end of the nuraghe building structures (which some see as continuing until ca. 900 B.C.), see, e.g., Tronchetti 2014; Gonzalez 2018: 54-55; Bernardini 2020.
(26)
Bell 2006: 113; see also Bell 2009: 38; Bourogiannis 2018a: 50-51.
(27)
See, e.g., Muhly 1992: 11-12, 14, 19; Sherratt 1992: 327-28; H. W. Catling 1994: 133–36; Deger-Jalkotzy 1994: 16, 20; Janes 2010: 127-28; Georgiou 2011: 109-10, 118–22, 125, 2015: 133–35, 138, 2017: 207, 210-11, 217, 219; Iacovou 2002: 84-85, 2006a: 325–27, 2006b: 34-35, 2007: 465-66, 2014c: 661; Cline 2021: 127–30, with relevant references; Knapp and Meyer 2020: 237-38.
(28)
See Iacovou 2006a: 326-27, 2007: 461-62; also Georgiou 2011: 125; but see contra Rupp 1987, 1988, 1989, who tended to view the situation a bit differently (at least back during the 1980s). For recent takes on the debates around continuity, see, e.g., Knapp and Meyer 2020; Kearns 2022: 113–19, 130–50. I am indebted to the latter for her thoughts on the matter (pers. comm., March 2, 2023).
(29)
See, e.g., Muhly 1992: 14, with earlier references; Coldstream 1994: 144–46, but subsequently the discussions in Iacovou 2005a: 128-29, 2012: 207–12, 217, 2013: 17, 2014a: 103-4, 107, 2014c: 798; Karageorghis 1994: 1-2, 6; also Voskos and Knapp 2008: 659–65, 673, 676–79; Janes 2010: 128–32, 2014: 571; Georgiou 2011: 123-24; Counts and Iacovou 2013: 10-11; Knapp 2014: 39–43; Sherratt 2015: 72–75.
(30)
I am grateful to Brien Garnand for reminding me of this (pers. comm., July 10, 2022).
(31)
See Kaniewski, Van Campo, et al. 2013; Cline 2021: 159; previously Sherratt 2003: 51-52. On Enkomi and Salamis, see, e.g., Iacovou 2005b: 25–27; Kourou 2019.
(32)
On the abandonment of Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, Maroni-Vournes, and other places, see Iacovou 2007: 465-66, 2008: 631, 2012: 216, 2013: 25-26, 2014b: 662-63. See also Georgiou 2011: 116-17, 2015: 131, 2017: 210; Kassianidou 2014: 264; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1142-43; Knapp and Meyer 2020: 238.
(33)
Re Idalion, see, e.g., Georgiou 2011: 117-18, 2015: 132-33, 2017: 209-10; Iacovou 2005b: 31. Re Amathus, Kition, Paphos, and other cities, see, e.g., Iacovou 1994: 155-56, 2005b: 28-29, 31–34, 2008: 638, 2013: 26; Satraki 2012: 267–73; Janes 2013: 154, 158; Georgiou 2017: 210. On the abandonment of Hala Sultan Tekke and Enkomi as well as the continuations at Kition and Paphos, see Iacovou 1994: 153-54, 2005a: 130, 2006a: 325-26, 2006b: 35-36, 2007: 466-67, 2008: 635, 637, 2012: 217-18, 2013: 25-26, 28, 2014b: 664-65, 667; also Sherratt 1992: 328-29; Smith 2008: 274-75; Georgiou 2011: 116-17, 2015: 131–34, 2017: 209, 222; Satraki 2012: 264, 270; Janes 2013: 155, 2014: 572, 574, 579; Kassianidou 2014: 265; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1142-43; Hodos 2020: 41; Knapp and Meyer 2020: 238. See now also Petit 2019.
(34)
Karageorghis 1983: 59–76, see also app. 4. For subsequent discussions, see, e.g., Sherratt 1992: 329; Deger-Jalkotzy 1994: 11; Iacovou 2006b: 38, 2008: 633; Voskos and Knapp 2008: 674-75; Satraki 2012: 268; Janes 2013: 146-47; Knapp 2014: 41; Kearns 2015: 29, fig. 1.4; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1147; Steele 2020: 256-57 and fig. 2.6.2; López-Ruiz 2021: 252-53, 270-71.
(35)
On these foundation myths, see esp. Iacovou 2006a: 328, 2006b: 44–46, 2007: 467; also Kearns 2015: 29, with references.
(36)
H. W. Catling 1993: 91-92; Crielaard 1998: 187–91, 198-99; Kourou 2008a: 364; Iacovou 2012: 214; Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 124-25; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1145-46.
(37)
Popham, Touloupa, and Sackett 1982; H. W. Catling 1993, 1995, 1996; I. Morris 1996: 3; Crielaard 1998: 187–90, 198; Kourou 2008a: 363–65, 2016: 54-55; Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 124-25; Iacovou 2012: 214; Georgiou and Iacovou 2020: 1145-46; S. P. Morris 2022: 104. Note that Kourou 2008a: 363-64 says “the Amari tomb suggests that apparently some kind of direct contact existed in the 11th century B.C.E. between Crete and Cyprus.”
(38)
Kourou 2008a: 364.
(39)
Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 125-26, 134-35; see also Iacovou 2014c: 799, 801. See Sherratt 1994: 73–75, as well as the additional entries in the catalog compiled on 88–92, updating the original catalogs in Waldbaum 1978, 1982.
(40)
Crielaard 1998: 187, 192-93, 196; Iacovou 2008: 641-42; Kourou 2008a: 363-64, 2012: 38, 2016: 53–55, 2019: 77-78; Satraki 2012: 265-66; Arruda 2015: 273-74; Pappa 2020; S. P. Morris 2022: 104.
(41)
Crielaard 1998: 193-94, 197-98.
(42)
Kearns (pers. comm., March 2, 2023); see now Kearns 2022: 130–54 for a current overview.
(43)
Kourou 2019: 78. Note that in 2016, Kourou had earlier written: “From the 11th c. onwards a new pattern of travel and trading networks, in which eventually Phoenicians become involved, starts gradually to develop. The phenomenon can best be followed in Crete, where a large number of Cypriot and Phoenician objects have been found in Early Iron Age (EIA) contexts, while Cretan art frequently betrays Cypriot or Levantine influence” (Kourou 2016: 51).
(44)
The date has been the subject of much discussion; see, e.g., Wente 2003: 116 and Jeffers 2013: 22-23. See further details below.
(45)
Translation follows Wente 2003: 116–24; several other translations of the tale have recently been republished as Pritchard [1958] 2011: 14–21; and Lichtheim 2019: 561–68. See also detailed discussions, with further references, in Kitchen 1973: 251-52; Dothan 1982: 4-5; Clayton 1994: 170-71; Hallo and Simpson 1998: 284-85; Aubet 2001: 356–62; Sherratt 2003: 52; Eyre 2012: 133; Broodbank 2013: 445–48; Jeffers 2013: 22-23; Ben-Dor Evian 2017: 34-35; Elayi 2018: 100–104; Dodson 2019: 16–19; Yasur-Landau 2019: 417–20; López-Ruiz 2021: 284-85.
(46)
See, e.g., Gilboa 2005, 2006-7, 2015; Gilboa, Sharon, and Boaretto 2008; Sharon and Gilboa 2013; Stern 2013; Yasur-Landau 2019; Arie 2020: 6. On the new discovery of remains from the Iron Age harbor at Dor, see now Arkin Shalev, Gilboa, and Yasur-Landau 2019; Arkin Shalev, Galili, et al. 2021.
(47)
Note that there are some differences in the various translations; for instance, Pritchard translated the name of the prince of Byblos as Zakar-Baal, rather than Tjekkerbaal (though this might just be a difference in pronunciation), and there is a difference between “smooth linen” and “rolls of papyrus.” See also Kuhrt 1995: 408 on the items (re)sent to Wenamun and again Yasur-Landau 2019 on the treatment of Wenamun at Byblos.
(48)
See, e.g., Wente 2003: 116; Ben-Dor Evian 2011: 97; Jeffers 2013: 22-23. See also now esp. Yasur-Landau 2019. On the discussions as to whether it is the official record of an actual historical voyage or a piece of narrative fiction, see, e.g., Markoe 2000: 27-28; Aubet 2001: 30-31, 114–17; Wente 2003: 116; Edrey 2019: 36; Sader 2019b: 35, 81, 272; on the eleventh century B.C. date, see also Fales 2017: 218-19; Sass 2002 suggests that it might be of tenth century B.C. date.
(49)
See, e.g., Pritchard 1978; Bikai 1978; Markoe 2000: 24; Aubet 2001: 66–69; Bell 2006: 113. See now the very useful concise overview by Aubet 2014; also Sader 2014, 2019a: 127-28, 2019b: 17–20, 38–41; Killebrew 2019; Charaf 2020-21.
(50)
Other nearby sites with Phoenician remains in Iron Age levels include Tell Abu Hawam, Akko, Achziv, Atlit, and Tel Keisan; see, e.g., Fales 2017: 204; Killebrew 2019; Sader 2019a: 127-28, 2019b: 31, 41-42; Hodos 2020: 153-54; previously Aubet 2001: 66–69. On Dor, see, e.g., Gilboa 2005; Bell 2006: 99; Gilboa, Sharon, and Boaretto 2008; Gilboa and Sharon 2008; Sharon and Gilboa 2013; Bell 2016: 95-96; Gilboa, Waiman-Barak, and Jones 2015; Fales 2017: 203; Sader 2019b: 20-21, 42–44; Arie 2020: 1, 3; Hodos 2020: 97, 150-51; Gilboa 2022: 40. On using the term “southern Phoenicia,” see Lehmann 2019, 2021; Arie 2020: 7–9. Regarding Dor and the silver hoard in particular, see, e.g., Aubet 2008: 183 and see again the sources cited re the silver hoards, esp. C. Thompson and Skaggs 2013; Eshel, Yahalom-Mack, et al. 2018: 4, Ben-Yosef 2019a; Eshel, Erel, et al. 2019; Sader 2019b: 256, 315; Hodos 2020: 144, 150-51; Wood, Bell, and Montero-Ruiz 2020: 4, with earlier references; López-Ruiz 2021: 99; Gilboa 2022: 43. On the original discovery, see Stern 1998, 2001.
(51)
Eshel, Gilboa, et al. 2021; see also Ben-Yosef 2019a.
(52)
Allen 1977: 157–62. Note that this reverses the original model for Phoenician expansion, such as proposed by Frankenstein in 1979; see the discussion in Monroe 2018: 232-33, 247, 257–60, who describes the previous view (i.e., that the Phoenicians were essentially at the beck-and-call of the Neo-Assyrians, fetching raw materials for them, including metals, and thus moved out into the Mediterranean because of these demands placed on them), as the Assyrian Pressure Paradigm (APP); also (briefly) J. F. Osborne 2021: 73-74; Regev 2021: 2. Compare also Faust 2011 to Thareani 2016a and see discussions by Aubet 2001: 88–91 with citations of previous scholarship, 281–83, 2008: 183, 2016; I. Morris 2006: 83; Fletcher 2012: 211 (with earlier references), 216–18; Broodbank 2013: 482–84, 488-89, 491; Fales 2017: 271; Edrey 2019: 206–8; Hodos 2020: 77-78, 143-44. See also the discussions in, e.g., C. Thompson and Skaggs 2013; Arruda 2015: 275; Bell 2016: 98–100; Eshel, Yahalom-Mack, et al. 2018; Gonzalez 2018: 39, 175-76; Monroe 2018: 240-41; Wood 2018; Aubet Semmler 2019: 75–78; Eshel, Erel, et al. 2019; Sader 2019b: 256, 275; Wood, Montero-Ruiz, and Martinón-Torres 2019; Sherratt 2020: 200-201; Wood, Bell, and Montero-Ruiz 2020; Knodell 2021: 183; López-Ruiz 2021: 27-28, 97-98, 100; Regev 2021: 120-21; Gilboa 2022: 35n9, 43.
(53)
Shalvi 2018, 2020; Stub 2020; Regev 2021: 80-81. Note that other sites in the region also have stained pottery sherds and/or crushed murex shells in contexts ranging from the thirteenth to the seventh century B.C., including Akko, Dor, Abu, Hawam, and Tel Kabri, as mentioned with earlier references by Shalvi; see now also Gilboa 2022: 37, 44; Shalvi and Gilboa 2023.
(54)
See Bell 2006: 104, 113, 2009: 36-37, 2016: 97, 100–102, with references; also Gilboa 2005: 62-63; Sherratt 2010: 130, 2019: 132, 134-35; Kourou 2012: 37; Bourogiannis 2018a: 49–51, 53, 61, 73; Sader 2019b: 267-68.
(55)
Published by Dr. Patricia Bikai; see Bikai 1978.
(56)
Kourou 2012: 39, citing in particular Aubet 1993: 167, 2008: 250; see also now Kourou 2016: 57-58, 2019: 79-80.
(57)
See Kourou 2008a: 366; Gilboa, Waiman-Barak, and Sharon 2015; Bell 2016: 97; Bourogiannis 2018a: 73-74; Monroe 2018: 245-46; Sader 2019b: 269; Hodos 2020: 107; S. P. Morris 2022: 106; for the initial publication, see Bikai 2000; see also previously, e.g., Aubet 2001: 54.
(58)
See, e.g., Kourou 2012: 40. On the various Phoenician and other Near Eastern items on Crete and mainland Greece in these contexts, see, e.g., Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 365; Hoffman 1997; Kourou 2000: 1067–70; Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 341–43, 346, 351, 355; Fletcher 2012: 214-15; Broodbank 2013: 451; Bourogiannis 2018a: 54–66; Sogas 2019: 408–14.
(59)
See, e.g., the summation in Sader 2019b: 270, with references to earlier publications. See previously Waldbaum 1994; Crielaard 1998: 198; Fantalkin 2001; Coldstream and Mazar 2003; Satraki 2012: 266; Iacovou 2014c: 802; Fantalkin et al. 2015, 2020; Gilboa, Waiman-Barak, and Jones 2015; Mazar and Kourou 2019; Hodos 2020: 5, 98; also comments by Kourou 2008a: 364–66, 2016: 57-58, 2019: 79-80.
(60)
See, e.g., Janes 2013: 147, 2014: 571; also Satraki 2012: 263-64; previously Iacovou 2005b: 24. See now, however, the dissertation by Kearns (2015) and her recent book (Kearns 2022).
(61)
Fales 2017: 190-91; Bunnens 2019b: 58; Rollston 2019: 375–77; Sader 2019b: 81-82, 86, table 3.2. It should be noted, however, that Benjamin Sass has suggested that some or all of these should be redated to the ninth century (Sass 2005, 2021), but his suggestion in turn has been disputed by Rollston (2008: 57–61, 2010: 24–27). For now, I have followed the traditional tenth century B.C. dating for these kings.
(62)
See Rollston 2016: 268. On the Amarna letters from Byblos, see Moran 1992; also recently, e.g., on Byblos in the Late Bronze Age, Kilani 2016.
(63)
Translation following Rollston 2016: 286, 2019: 376, 2020: 76; see also Rollston 2008: 58, 2010: 20-21, fig. 2.2. References to earlier publications regarding the discovery and subsequent discussions may be found in Rollston’s publications, but see also Kuhrt 1995: 404, with references; Elayi 2018: 110–12; Doumet-Serhal 2019: 718.
(64)
See Rollston 2008: 59-60, with references.
(65)
Translation following Rollston 2016: 289; see also Rollston 2008: 59, 2010: 23, fig. 2.4, all with earlier references; Elayi 2018: 115. See though again Sass (2005, 2021), who would redate these all to the ninth century, which is a suggestion that has been disputed by Rollston (2008: 57–61, 2010: 24–27).
(66)
Translation following Rollston 2016: 288; see also Rollston 2008: 58-59, 2010: 21-22, all with earlier references; previously, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 308-9. See also Elayi 2018: 114-15; Bunnens 2019b: 69; Muhs 2022: 196-97.
(67)
Translation following Rollston 2016: 287, 2019: 376, 2020: 77; see also Rollston 2008: 59, 2010: 21-22, fig. 2.3, all with earlier references; also Elayi 2018: 112-13; Richey 2019: 223, fig. 16.1.
(68)
Translation following Rollston 2016: 288; see also Rollston 2008: 58, 2010: 21, all with earlier references; previously, e.g., Kitchen 1973: 292. See also Elayi 2018: 113-14; Bunnens 2019b: 69; Dodson 2019: 95; Muhs 2022: 196-97.
(69)
See, e.g., Lipiński 2006: 174, 176, 180; Aubet 2008: 182-83; Bourogiannis 2018a: 49-50; Elayi 2018: 122, 296 (table 2); Bunnens 2019b: 58-59; Na’aman 2019b: 76, 82.
(70)
Lipiński 2006: 174, 176-77; Aubet 2008: 183; Bourogiannis 2018a: 49-50; Elayi 2018: 131–33; Edrey 2019: 41–43; Lehmann 2019: 470; Na’aman 2019b: 82; López-Ruiz 2021: 288.
(71)
As noted by Rollston 2016: 298; see now also Elayi 2018: 132; Bunnens 2019b: 65; Doak 2019: 663-64; Sader 2019b: 128-29, 263; López-Ruiz 2021: 306; previously Markoe 2000: 37–39; Aubet 2001: 46-47.
(72)
I have previously discussed this briefly; see Cline 2007, 2009, 2020, with earlier references; see also, e.g., Schipper 2019: 38–40. For the original publications by the two teams, see Reisner, Fisher, and Lyon 1924; Crowfoot and Crowfoot 1938; Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik 1942; Crowfoot, Crowfoot, and Kenyon 1957. See also Tappy 1992, 2001, in addition to numerous additional smaller publications or mentions by other scholars (e.g., Killbrew 2014: 738 on the ivories).
(73)
Aubet 1993: 42, 2001: 51-52, 2008: 183; Bikai 1994; Iacovou 2005a: 131-32, with references, 2006b: 41; Bell 2006: 113, 2009: 37; Janes 2010: 129; Satraki 2012: 269; Fourrier 2013: 113-14; Bourogiannis 2018a: 50-51, 74-75; Bunnens 2019b: 63; Sader 2019b: 266-67; Sherratt 2019: 134-35.
(74)
Aubet 2008: 179, 2016; Fletcher 2012: 214; Arruda 2015: 273; Bell 2016: 98–100; Eshel, Erel, et al. 2019: 1, 5, 8–11; Sherratt 2019: 134-35; Garnand 2020: 147; Muhs 2022: 203. On the Nora Stone inscription, which has a long history of scholarship, see, e.g., Aubet 2001: 206–9, fig. 45; Monroe 2018: 246; Rollston 2019: 376-77, with earlier references; also Hodos 2020: 185-86.
(75)
See, e.g., Lipiński 2006: 174, 180, 183; Na’aman 2019b: 82-83; Sader 2019b: 128-29, 138, table 3.4; previously, e.g., Aubet 2001: 51. See also Grayson 1996: 48, 54, 60 (compare A.0.102.8 and A.0.102.12 with A.0.102.10).
(76)
Aubet 2001: 163, 214–18, 2008: 179, 185, 2016: 258; Docter et al. 2005; Lipiński 2006: 183-84; Abulafia 2011: 74; Broodbank 2013: 490; Bourogiannis 2018a: 52, 74-75; Elayi 2018: 138–41; Quinn 2018a: xv, 2019: 679; Bunnens 2019b: 59, 61; Roller 2019: 648; see now Aubet Semmler 2019: 78; Garnand 2020: 147.
(77)
On all of the following, see Ballard et al. 2002.
(78)
Kourou 2016: 59, 60-61.
(79)
Kourou 2016: 60-61.
(80)
Crielaard 1998: 187; Kourou 2008a: 366–68, 2019: 81, 89-90; Satraki 2012: 266; Janes 2013: 152.
(81)
Kearns 2015: 17-18, 138-39, 2019: 272-73, 276–78, 280, 2022: 130–54; see also previous studies by Kaniewski and his team, including at Hala Sultan Tekke (Kaniewski, Van Campo, et al. 2013), which indicated the end of the megadrought in this region at approximately this time.
(82)
Kassianidou 2014: 267; Knapp and Meyer 2020: 239–41, 243. See also, e.g., previously Iacovou 2002: 85; Satraki 2012: 263-64, 266-67; Finkelstein 2013: 127; Janes 2013: 147; Hodos 2020: 61.

الفصل الرابع: ملك أرض كركميش

(1)
Marchetti 2012: 132–34, 2014: 36; Aro 2013: 234n5; Dinçol et al. 2014b: 143-44; Younger 2016: 118-19; J. F. Osborne 2021: 153-54.
(2)
See again Marchetti 2012: 132–34, 2014: 36; Dinçol et al. 2014b: 143-44; Younger 2016: 118-19.
(3)
Dinçol, Dinçol, Hawkins, and Peker 2012: 145; Marchetti 2012: 144–46; Weeden 2013: 10; Dinçol et al. 2014a: 128; Hawkins and Peker 2014: 107; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 11-12; Younger 2016: 119. See also Simon 2012, for a divergent opinion regarding the identification of Sura, with plentiful previous references.
(4)
Translation following Peker 2016: 16; see previously Dinçol, Dinçol, Hawkins, and Peker 2012: 145; Dinçol et al. 2014b: 148. See also Marchetti 2012: 144–46; Weeden 2013: 8–10; Dinçol et al. 2014b: 147, 2014b: 128–30; Younger 2016: 119.
(5)
Hawkins 2000: 80–82 (Karkamiš A4b); Marchetti 2012: 144–46; Dinçol, Dinçol, Hawkins, and Peker 2012: 145; Dinçol et al. 2014b: 143-44, 151, 2014b: 128; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 11; Younger 2016: 119.
(6)
See, e.g., Hawkins 2000: 76-77; Gilibert 2011: 12; Bryce 2012: 89–91, 202; Aro 2013; Marchetti and Peker 2018: 98; Bryce 2020: 108; J. F. Osborne 2021: 100; and all of the additional references cited in the next note.
(7)
Hawkins 1995, 2000: 76-77; Gilibert 2011: 12; Marchetti 2012: 144–46 and table 2; Dinçol et al. 2014a: 130, 2014b: 150; Hawkins and Peker 2014: 107-8; Brown and Smith 2016: 23–25; Marchetti and Peker 2018: 98; J. F. Osborne 2021: 195; see also various tables in other relevant articles, as cited previously.
(8)
Grayson 1991: 37 (A.0.87.3), 42 (A.0.87.4), and 53 (A.0.87.10); Hawkins 2000: 73-74; Frahm 2009: 28–32; Bryce 2012: 200; Younger 2016: 118, 172, 2017: 205-6.
(9)
See, e.g., Hawkins 2000: 73-74; Gilibert 2011: 12; Bryce 2012: 4, 84, 87, 99, 200-201; Weeden 2013: 8; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 11; Brown and Smith 2016: 23; Younger 2016: 117-18, 121 (fig. 3.3), 172, 2017: 206.
(10)
For quotes, see J. F. Osborne 2021: 55; d’Alfonso et al. 2022: 38. See also Schachner 2020a, 2020b: 1109–12; also Summers 2000: 55, 58; Seeher 2010; Genz 2013; Kuzucuoğlu 2015: 32–38; Bryce 2016b, 2019; Middleton 2017c: 165, 172, 175-76; de Martino 2018; Alaura 2020. On the demographic impact of the climate change in Anatolia, see also Palmisano, Lawrence, et al. 2021: 22, 106739.
(11)
On the change in livestock, see Adcock 2020: 251, also 266; now also Haldon, Izdebski, et al. 2022: 400-401, citing Adcock’s work.
(12)
Dibble and Fallu 2020: 1, 8-9.
(13)
Rose and Darbyshire 2011; Rose 2012; Kealhofer, Grave, and Voigt 2019; previously, e.g., Muscarella 1995: 94; Voigt and Henrickson 2000: 42-43. On the new data, see Manning, Kocik, et al. 2023, but see also Drews 1992: 17, with an early similar report.
(14)
See, e.g., Liverani 2014: 465-66, 531. Much has been written about the Phrygians, but for Gordion during this period in particular, see most recently Rose and Darbyshire 2011; Rose 2012; previously, including on the possibility of Phrygian migration into this area, see, e.g., Muscarella 1995: 91-92; Voigt and Henrickson 2000: 42–46. See also Herodotus VII.73 and Strabo VII.3.2, cited by Muscarella, for their belief that the Phrygians migrated from Thrace or Macedonian to Anatolia around the time of the Trojan War.
(15)
The inscription is known more formally as “TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1”; the survey was under the direction of James Osborne and Michele Massa. For details of the survey and the translation of the inscription, see J. F. Osborne, Massa, et al. 2020 and Goedegebuure et al. 2020.
(16)
Aslan 2009, 2020: 245–47; Basedow 2009; Aslan and Hnila 2015: 186–94.
(17)
Bunnens 2000: 16; Hawkins 2000: 73; Harrison 2009a: 171, 174, 181, 2009b: 187, 2013: 61; Bryce 2012: 60, 79-80, 2014: 100-101, 103-4, 2020: 106-7; Weeden 2013: 6; Emanuel 2015: 12; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 9; Welton et al. 2019: 325. On the Hittites and the Bible, see, e.g., Bryce 2012, 2014: 101–3.
(18)
Woolley 1920: 76. See, e.g., Hawkins 2000: 73; also Bunnens 2000: 17; Bryce 2012: 55, 83.
(19)
See now, most usefully, the recent book by J. F. Osborne (2021). He prefers to call this group of small kingdoms by the name “Syro-Anatolian Culture Complex (SACC)”; see J. F. Osborne 2021: 1–9, 110–12, 209–19. See also, e.g., Gilibert 2011: 14–16, 55, 79-80, with references re Zincirli; Bryce 2012: 22–31, 56-57, 169-70, 2020: 108; Weeden 2013: 1-2; Liverani 2014: 448; Younger 2016: 28–30, 114-15.
(20)
Hogarth 1911: 8.
(21)
See, e.g., Hawkins 1988, 2000: 73; Harrison 2009a: 171–73; Gilibert 2011: 10–12; Bryce 2012: 19, 55, 84-85, 195–97, 2014: 101-2, 2020: 107; Marchetti 2012: 144, 146 (table 2); Aro 2013: 246; Weeden 2013: 6, 9 (table 1); Dinçol et al. 2014a: 127-28 (table 1), 130 (table 2); Hawkins and Peker 2014: 110 (table 1); J. F. Osborne 2014: 197-98, 2015: 10-11, 2021: 41-42; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 9; Peker 2016: 49 (table 2); Younger 2016: 28–30, 116–19, 121 (fig. 3.3); Marchetti and Peker 2018: 98; Welton et al. 2019: 292–94; Millek 2020. See also Gilibert 2011: 7-8, with previous references, for the description of Syro-Anatolian city-states as typically “a capital city ruling over a belt of fortified towns and a rural hinterland of villages.”
(22)
See, e.g., Harrison 2009a: 175; Bryce 2012, 2014: 86-87, 101–3, 2016b, 2020: 106–9; Brown and Smith 2016: 29; Younger 2016: 28–30, 144; Ilan 2019; Manolova 2020: 1195; also now J. F. Osborne 2021.
(23)
Sader 2014: 618; Jung 2023, with references, including remarks concerning Millek 2020-21; Millek 2021; see now also Millek 2023, which has just appeared.
(24)
Weeden 2013: 20.
(25)
The equation is not perfect and is not universally accepted; on the various discussions see, among others, Harrison 2009a, 2009b, 2010, 2013, 2014; Hawkins 2009, 2011; Bryce 2012: 128-29, 206-7, 2014: 111, 2020: 110–12; Weeden 2013: 11–18; Dinçol et al. 2015; Emanuel 2015; Brown and Smith 2016: 32-33; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 9, 11; Younger 2016: 123–34, 144; Welton et al. 2019; Manning, Lorentzen, et al. 2020; J. F. Osborne 2021: 46-47, 63-64, 159-60; Maeir 2022d: 228-29.
(26)
Welton et al. 2019: 325. See also previously Harrison 2009a: 171, 174, 181 and, e.g., Harrison 2009b, 2010, 2013, 2014; also Janeway 2006-7, 2017 on Tayinat and the Aegean.
(27)
Welton et al. 2019: 325-26; see also Harrison 2009a: 171, 2009b: 187, 2013: 61; Sader 2014: 613-14; J. F. Osborne 2021: 62-63.
(28)
On all of the above, including the Taita inscription as well as the various rulers, see Harrison 2009a: 171, 173-74, 2009b: 175, 179, 2013: 62–64, 77, 2014: 396, 402–4, 409, 2016: 254, 2021: 327, 341–44; Hawkins 2009, 2011; Kohlmeyer 2009, 2011; Bryce 2012: 128–31, 206-7, 223-24, 2014: 111, 121, 2016b: 68-69, 77-78; 2020: 110–13; Aro 2013: 246-47; J. F. Osborne 2013: 776-77, 2014: 199–201, 204-5, 211n2; Weeden 2013: 12–18, figs. 2-3, and table 2; Dinçol et al. 2015: table 1 and passim; Emanuel 2015; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 11; Younger 2016: 123–27, 133; J. F. Osborne et al. 2019; Welton et al. 2019: 294; Manning, Lorentzen, et al. 2020: 4, 24; J. F. Osborne 2021: 63-64, 117–21. See Grayson 1996: 9 (A.0.102.1) on the mention by Shalmaneser III; also now Bryce 2020: 113 and Tayinat Archaeological Project, https://tayinat.artsci.utoronto.ca/the-toronto-expedition/king-shupiluliumas-ii, on the 2012 discovery of a statue bearing an inscription of Suppiluliuma II.
(29)
Woolley 1920: 86; also now Gilibert 2011: 25–30; J. F. Osborne 2021: 98-99.
(30)
Marchetti 2012: 134–36; see also Gilibert 2011: 31–38; Middleton 2020e: 18–22; now J. F. Osborne 2021: 99-100.
(31)
On the inscription from 870 B.C., see Hawkins 2000: 75; Yamada 2000: 72–75; Bryce 2012: 213, 2014: 117-18; Marchetti 2012: 146; Brown and Smith 2016: 25; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 13; J. F. Osborne 2021: 148-49. On the specific Balawat bands, see Grayson 1991: 345 (A.0.101.80) and 349 (A.0.101.90), also 347 (A.0.101.85); Curtis and Tallis 2008: 32, 35, 54, figs. 11-12, 17-18, 57-58.
(32)
As others have noted previously; see, e.g., Gilibert 2011: 12–14, with previous references.
(33)
Grayson 1991: 217 (A.0.101.1); see also Bryce 2012: 213; J. F. Osborne 2021: 148-49.
(34)
Grayson 1991: 225 (A.0.101.2) and 275 (A.0.101.23); Radner 2011: 738-39; Schachner 2020b: 1121.
(35)
See Kroll et al. 2012: 6, 9.
(36)
Van Loon 1966: 1-2; Zimansky 1985: 1, 4, 2011: 548-49; Kuhrt 1995: 548; Radner 2011: 734-35; Kroll et al. 2012: 1; Liverani 2014: 521-22; Fuchs 2017: 250. On the bronze cauldrons and shields, see, e.g., van Loon 1966: 11-12, 84–87, 103–18; Kuhrt 1995: 560; but see now Curtis 2012; Kroll et al. 2012: 25.
(37)
See, e.g., van Loon 1966: 7; Zimansky 1985: 49-50, with further references; Kuhrt 1995: 550; Kroll et al. 2012: 10; Liverani 2014: 521-22; Fuchs 2017: 250, 260; and see Grayson 1991 and 1996 for mentions of campaigning in Nairi by Tiglath-Pileser I, Aššur-bel-kala, Adad-nirari II, Tukulti-Ninurtu II, Aššurnasirpal II, and also Shalmaneser III.
(38)
Zimansky 1985: 49; Radner 2011: 738-39; Bryce 2012: 242; Curtis 2012: 429; Kroll et al. 2012: 10; Liverani 2014: 521-22; Frahm 2017: 171, 2023: 109; Fuchs 2017: 250.
(39)
King 1915: 21-22; Grayson 1996: 27–29 (A.0.102.25), 140 (A.0.102.63-64).
(40)
See Taylor 1865; King 1915: 21; Grayson 1996: 14-15 (A.0.102.2); also now MacGinnis and Matney 2009.
(41)
King 1915: 21-22, pls. 1–6.
(42)
Translations following Grayson 1996: 16-17, 20-21 (A.0.102.2).
(43)
For the translation of Year 7 on the Black Obelisk, see Grayson 1996: 65-66 (A.0.102.14). For the translation of Year 15 on the Monolith Inscription, see Grayson 1996: 39 (A.0.102.6); see also MacGinnis and Matney 2009 for a variation on the translation as well as a briefer version on the Black Monolith rendered in Grayson 1996: 67 (A.0.102.14).
(44)
See Taylor 1865: 41–43; I owe this reference to Harmansah 2007: 184-85. See now MacGinnis and Matney 2009: 33, with illustrations, including of the actual relief at the Tigris Tunnel and on Balawat Band X; see previously Kreppner 2002: 372, 374-75, figs. 9–13; Schachner 2009.
(45)
For the illustration on Balawat Band X, see King 1915: 13-14, 30-31, pl. 59. For those on Bands I and II, see King 1915: 22, pls. 7–12; Grayson 1996: 141 (A.0.102.65).
(46)
King 1915: 27-28, pls. 37–42; Grayson 1996: 143 (A.0.102.71). On the Monolith Inscription, see Grayson 1996: 20 (A.0.102.2).
(47)
Van Loon 1966: 7; Zimansky 1985: 49–51; Kuhrt 1995: 552 (table 29), 554; Radner 2011: 734; Kroll et al. 2012: 10; Fuchs 2017: 251.
(48)
Translation of CTU 1 A 01-01, following the online Electronic Corpus of Urartian Texts (eCUT) Project: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ecut/pager; also van Loon 1966: 7-8; Zimansky 1985: 50-51, 2011: 554; Kuhrt 1995: 550; Radner 2011: 736, 742, and the caption to fig. 33.1; Bryce 2012: 242; Frahm 2017: 170-71. See also van Loon 1966: 10-11 and Zimansky 1985: 59 on inscriptions left by Sarduri’s successors. Note that Sarduri is called the “king of Nairi” rather than “king of Urartu,” perhaps again showing the interlinked nature of the two entities. See, e.g., van Loon 1966: 7, who suggests that it was Sarduri I who “extended his power over most of the Nairi countries and founded the kingdom of Urartu” (this despite the fact that Aramu is already called “the Urartian” prior to Sarduri’s reign).
(49)
Zimansky 1985: 50; Kuhrt 1995: 552 (table 29), 554; Grayson 1996: 14 (A.0.102.2); Radner 2011: 738-39, 745; Kroll et al. 2012: 10–14. See also Grayson 1996: 65-66, 68 (A.0.102.14) for several mentions of campaigns against Aramu and then a campaign against Sarduri, all recorded on Shalmaneser III’s Black Obelisk (on which see more below). See esp. inscription CTU 1 A 04-01, which lists the first three and their relationships, on the online Electronic Corpus of Urartian Texts (eCUT) Project (http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ecut/pager); most of them also have a number of individual inscriptions that can be found in the same online corpus. For the list of rulers and their proposed order, which is disputed after the rule of Sarduri II, see http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ecut/urartianrulersandtheirinscriptions/index.html
(50)
Van Loon 1966: 7; Kuhrt 1995: 554; Curtis 2012: 429; Kroll et al. 2012: 6, 22.
(51)
Radner 2011: 742-43; Kroll et al. 2012: 24; Frahm 2017: 170-71; see also Zimansky 1985: 69 on Urartian texts that mention vineyards, as well as orchards and grain fields.
(52)
See Grayson 1996: 9-10 (A.0.102.1) and 16, 23 (A.0.102.2); Bryce 2012: 219, 221, 2014: 119, 2020: 113; J. F. Osborne 2013: 776-77; Weeden 2013: 12, 15-16, fig. 4; Harrison 2014: 408-9, fig. 5; also Tayinat Archaeological Project, https://tayinat.artsci.utoronto.ca/the-toronto-expedition/king-shupiluliumas-ii
(53)
King 1915: 26, pls. 31–36; Grayson 1996: 142 (A.0.102.70).
(54)
Gilibert 2011: 15-16, with translation given in table 8; see Grayson 1996: 10 (A.0.102.1), 16 (A.0.102.2). See also Brown 2008a: 341–44.
(55)
English translation following O’Connor 1977: 19, 21-22, after Donner and Röllig 2002: 13, as cited initially by Gilibert 2011: 15-16. See also Brown 2008a: 341–44; Gilibert 2011: 15-16, 79–84; J. F. Osborne 2021: 44, 74–82, 110–12, 142-43, 146, 148, 160–62, 183-84.
(56)
See Grayson 1996: 9 (A.0.102.1), 23 (A.0.102.2), 38 (A.0.102.6 ii 69). See also Hawkins 2000: 75, 2009: 167; Bryce 2012: 130-31, 223, 2014: 122, 125; Brown and Smith 2016: 25; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 13; Peker 2016: 49 (table 2).
(57)
Peker 2016: 47–49; Marchetti and Peker 2018: 81–90.
(58)
See Peker 2016: 47–49; Marchetti and Peker 2018: 81–90.
(59)
Translation (merging the data from several inscriptions) following Peker 2016: 47–49 and table 2; Marchetti and Peker 2018: 95–97. See also Marchetti 2012: 146-47; Hawkins and Peker 2014: 108.
(60)
Hawkins 2000: 36, 72, 75–79, 123-24, 128-29, 131; Gilibert 2011: 12–14, 41–50; Bryce 2012; 84, 98, 280-81; Hawkins and Peker 2014: 108-9; Brown and Smith 2016: 25-26; Hawkins and Weeden 2016: 13; J. F. Osborne 2021: 78, 83, 100–102, fig. 3.7.
(61)
Gilibert 2011: 6, citing Bunnens 2000: 12–19; see also d’Alfonso 2020.

الفصل الخامس: في ظلِّ القصور المدمَّرة

(1)
Schliemann 1880: 132–37 (no. 213).
(2)
See discussions in, e.g., Crielaard 2006: 278–80; Eder 2006: 550–52; M. Lloyd 2013: 112-13; Lemos 2014: 169-70; Knodell 2021: 129–31; all citing the work of Michael Wedde (e.g., 1999, 2000, 2006).
(3)
Deger-Jalkotzy 2008: 392. See also, e.g., I. Morris 1989: 505-6, 1999: 60-61, 65-66; Lemos 2002: 1. In archaeological terminology, this is the Late Helladic (LH) IIIC and Submycenaean periods, from ca. 1190 to 1070 B.C. See also now Ruppenstein 2020a; Van Damme 2023: 172-73 and table 4; and the papers in the volume edited by Jung and Kardamaki (2023).
(4)
The literature on Homer is vast, even on a narrow topic such as the Bronze Age and Iron Age elements to be found in the Iliad and the Odyssey; see, for instance, some of the publications listed in the “Further Reading” section of Cline 2013.
(5)
See, for instance, in just the past few years, extremely important books by Murray (2017) and Knodell (2021); the volume edited by Middleton (2020a); and the two-volume set edited by Lemos and Kotsonas (2020); prior to that, we have the numerous books and articles by I. Morris, Whitley, and Papadopoulos, among others, which appeared in the 1990s and early 2000s, as well as Dickinson 2006a and the volume edited by Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos (2006), to name only some of the most prominent publications that have appeared in English; many others have appeared in German, French, Italian, and other languages.
(6)
For a publication of the cemetery and grave goods at Perati in English, see Iakovides 1980; see also now subsequent discussions on Perati and the nearby site of Porto Rafti in Murray 2017: 86–89, 258-59, 2018a; Murray and Lis 2023; and briefly in Ruppenstein 2020a: 570-71.
(7)
Mühlenbruch 2020, with earlier references. See Maran 2006, 2016, 2023: 235–39; Papadimitriou 2006; Deger-Jalkotzy 2008: 397; Mühlenbruch 2009, 2020; Cohen, Maran, and Vetters 2010; Wallace 2010: 92; M. Lloyd 2013: 110-11; Lemos 2014: 162–64, 178–80; Middleton 2017c: 148–50, 2020c: 12, 2020e: 11–14; Murray 2017: 89-90, 258, 2018b: 226-27; Eder and Lemos 2020: 140; Manolova 2020: 1202; Maran and Papadimitriou 2020; Maran and Wright 2020; Steele 2020: 254-55; Van Damme 2023: 112-13; see also Dickinson 2006a: 60-61.
(8)
See LaFayette Hogue 2016 on this new evidence for a post-destruction reuse in small portions of the palace of Nestor at Pylos; also Davis and Stocker 2020: 677. See also now discussion by Maran 2023: 235.
(9)
See I. Morris 1999: 60-61, 2000: 78, 2006: 78; Murray 2017: 129-30, 210-11, 246, 275–81; also Deger-Jalkotzy 2008: 399–401, 406-7; Lemos 2014: 183-84.
(10)
Dickinson 2006b: 102, 116-17, 121; Nakassis 2020: 276. See also discussions in Deger-Jalkotzy 2008: 402–5; Wallace 2010: 88, 92-93, 102; Eder and Lemos 2020: 134–36, 149-50; also Enverova 2012 for an interesting consideration of applying the concept of heterarchy to the events of this period on mainland Greece; now also Knodell 2021: 152-53.
(11)
For discussions regarding basileus and wanax at this time, see, e.g., Antonaccio 2002: 13-14, 2006; Crielaard 2006, 2011; Mazarakis Ainian 2006; Palaima 2006; Eder 2007: 570, 572; Deger- Jalkotzy 2008: 403; Eder and Lemos 2020: 135-36; Maran and Papadimitriou 2020: 702; Knodell 2021: 169-70; also Boyes and Steele 2020: 12; Steele 2020: 253-54 on the loss of writing.
(12)
See, e.g., Weiberg and Finné 2018: 595; also Kramer-Hajos 2016: 166–79, 2020: 77, 79, 82; Finné, Holmgren, et al. 2017: 10-11; Livieratou 2020: 103-4; and Maran 2023, among others.
(13)
Knodell 2021: 5, 114-15; see now also Molloy 2022: 31 (online version).
(14)
She goes on to say, however, that the twelfth and eleventh centuries B.C. should be seen as the last stages of Mycenaean civilization rather than the first stretch of a Dark Age; see Deger-Jalkotzy 2008: 392. See also the very similar statements by Eder 2006: 550; also Maggidis 2020: 116-17; Dibble and Finné 2021: 59; and now also Maran 2023: 231.
(15)
See, in particular, Wallace 2006 (esp. 620, 641, 644), 2010 (esp. 51–104), 2017 (esp. 68, 71, 78), 2018 (esp. 325); 2020 (esp. 248); see now also comments in Pollard 2021. Imports to the island did drop, however; see Hoffman 1997 and the catalog by Jones 2000; also comments by Murray 2017: 6, 75-76, 85-86, 91, 100-101, 117; Wallace 2018: 395.
(16)
On the results of his archaeological surveys, see primarily Nowicki 2000, now cited by numerous scholars including, e.g., Deger-Jalkotzy 2008: 397-98; Lemos 2014: 174–77; Kourou 2016: 352; Haggis 2020: 1073; as well as Wallace 2006: 623-24, 628, 2010: 58-59; Murray 2017: 6; and others. See now also Pollard 2022. On piracy, see e.g., Samaras 2015; Hitchcock and Maeir 2019.
(17)
See again Wallace 2006, 2010, 2017, 2020; also Coldstream 2006: 581-82; D’Agata 2006: 400; Prent 2014: 651, 654; Hatzaki and Kotsonas 2020: 1036; Pollard 2021; Watrous 2021: 197-98.
(18)
Tsipopoulou 2005; see also the other papers in that conference volume. I thank Louise Hitchcock for reminding me of this fact; see also previously the brief mention in Cline 2021: 48 and previously Cline 1994: xvii-xviii, 9–11, 35, 106.
(19)
See Rollston 2008: 86–88, with references; also Kourou 2008a: 365-66, fig. 5, 2016: 57-58; Iacovou 2014c: 802; Bourogiannis 2018b: 250, 2021: 102; Waal 2018: 110; Richey 2019: 229; Sogas 2019: 412; Hodos 2020: 100, 185-86, fig. 6.3; Steele 2020: 263; S. P. Morris 2022: 100-101; Papadopoulos 2022: 143-44, fig. 7.1; previously S. P. Morris 1992a: 159; Hoffman 1997: 12-13, with references; Crielaard 1998: 198; Aubet 2001: 54. On the proposed “cup of x, son of y” translation, see most recently Bourogiannis 2020: 154-55, 2021: 102, both also with references.
(20)
See esp. Waal 2018: (esp. 86, 96, 103–8, 111-12), 2020, with references to earlier publications; see also the discussions, both pro and con, in Rollston 2019: 385-86, with references; Bourogiannis 2018a: 75-76, 2018b: 241–44, 250, 2020, 2021; see now also Kotsonas 2022, though dealing with a slightly later period. See previously Bell 2006: 90, with references; also now Hodos 2020: 194-95. Note that Mazar 1994: 54 points out that, from the Eastern Mediterranean side of things, Joseph Naveh was already stating back in 1972 that “the Canaanite/Phoenician alphabet was transmitted to the Greeks during the 11th or early 10th centuries B.C.”—see, e.g., Naveh 1989, for an example of his later arguments.
(21)
Rollston 2010: 20, fig. 2.1, 2019: 376-77.
(22)
Waal 2018: 110, 2020; Bourogiannis 2018b: 235.
(23)
See, e.g., Hodos 2020: 197; Kotsonas 2022: 168, 177-78.
(24)
See Wachter 2021: 23, 25; also Knodell 2021: 215–20, 254-55; López-Ruiz 2021: 232; S. P. Morris 2022: 100-101. Previously Gnanadesikan (2009: 208–14) envisioned a similar scenario and created an imaginary scene with a Greek and a Phoenician as a possible example of the first occasion of a Greek learning about the alphabet.
(25)
I. Morris 2005: 8, 2000: 195–207; citing Snodgrass 1993: 37.
(26)
I. Morris 1989: 505-6, 1996: 1–3, 4-5, 1999: 60–62, 2000: 78, citing in various places Snodgrass 1971: 228–68, 1980, 1983, 1988; Desborough 1972; Coldstream 1977.
(27)
I. Morris 1989: 506, 515, 1996: 4-5, 2006: 76; see previously, e.g., Snodgrass 1971. We should note that Morris’s suggestions that there was a decline in trade with the Eastern Mediterranean is now open to debate; see Murray 2017.
(28)
I. Morris 1989: 513, 2005: 2, 8-9, 2006: 74.
(29)
Coldstream 2006: 584–86.
(30)
Quote from Kotsonas 2019: 10. On the size and sandwiching of the Iron Age remains at Knossos, see, e.g., Coldstream 2006: 584–86; Kotsonas 2019: 2, 6; Hatzaki and Kotsonas 2020: 1034, 1036–38. On the results of the survey, see now Kotsonas et al. 2018 and Kotsonas 2019, both with previous references; also Atherton 2016; Blakemore 2016; and “Early Iron Age Knossos Was Much Larger Than Originally Thought,” Sci News, January 11, 2016, https://www.sci.news/archaeology/early-iron-age-knossos-larger-than-originally-thought-03552.html. On all of the above, see also now Kotsonas 2021; also Pollard 2021 on the Early Iron Age cemeteries at Knossos.
(31)
H. W. Catling 1993, 1995: 124-25, 1996; see also Crielaard 1998: 187-88; Muhly and Kassianidou 2012: 124; S. P. Morris 2022: 104-5.
(32)
H. W. Catling 1996: 646-47; see also H. W. Catling 1995: 124, 126-27; Kourou 2008a: 363. See now also the further description and discussion in Kotsonas 2018: 15-16; Hatzaki and Kotsonas 2020: 1038–41.
(33)
H. W. Catling 1996: 646-47. Previously, in H. W. Catling 1995: 127, the relevant passage from the Iliad was quoted in full, showing the “biography” of the well-traveled boar’s-tusk helmet that Odysseus was given (Il. 10.261–71, citing the Penguin translation by E. V. Rieu). The boar’s-tusk helmet in this North Cemetery grave at Knossos would have had a similar history, since they were no longer being made at the time this sub-Minoan warrior was buried.
(34)
H. W. Catling 1996: 648-49.
(35)
H. W. Catling 1995: 128.
(36)
H. W. Catling 1995: 128; see now also comments by Kourou 2008a: 363-64.
(37)
Quotations from Muhly 2003: 24-25 (also 2011: 49-50) and Iacovou 2007: 467 (citing also Iacovou 1999: 18); see also Iacovou 2012: 214; previously Crielaard 1998: 187-88.
(38)
Kotsonas 2018: 1, 9-10, 21-22; see now also Hatzaki and Kotsonas 2020: 1038–41.
(39)
Kotsonas 2018: 14-15, 25-26.
(40)
I. Morris 2006: 76. The site had also flourished previously, from the Early Bronze Age onward to the Late Bronze Age, and then continued into the Early Iron Age before finally being abandoned ca. 700 B.C.
(41)
R. W. V. Catling and Lemos 1990. On Lefkandi overall, see, e.g., Popham and Sackett 1980: 1–3; Lemos 2006: 519–21, 2014: 171–73, 2020: 791–93.
(42)
On the possible sacrifice of the woman, see remarks by Antonaccio 2002: 20-21, citing previous publications by other scholars. However, as she states, “neither burial has been published fully, and further discussion of the individuals… must await the final publication.” It has now been twenty years since Antonaccio’s remarks, and forty years since the initial excavations at Lefkandi, but it is hoped that the full publication of this burial will come soon (I. Lemos, pers. comm., September 4, 2021). Study, or restudy, of the woman’s bones, if they are still available, might resolve the question, if cut marks are noted anywhere on them. On all of this, either generally or specifically, see esp. Popham, Touloupa, and Sackett 1982; H. W. Catling 1993, 1995: 126; also I. Morris 1996: 3 (citing R. W. V. Catling and Lemos 1990 and Popham, Calligas, and Sackett 1993), 1999: 62, 2000: 218–22; Antonaccio 1993: 51-52, 2002; R. Osborne 1996: 41–43; Crielaard 2016: 56–59; Hodos 2020: 99-100, 104-5; Papadopoulos 2022: 145, fig. 7.2.
(43)
See, e.g., Popham, Touloupa, and Sackett 1982; Calligas and Popham 1993: 1–4; H. W. Catling 1993, 1995: 126, 1996: 647-48; Crielaard and Driessen 1994; I. Morris 1996: 3-4, 1999: 62, 2000: 218-19, 2006: 76, all with earlier references. See now also discussions on all of this in Lemos 2002: 162–68, 2006: 521-22, 2020: 792-93; Muhly 2003: 25; J. M. Hall 2007: 62–64; Kourou 2008a: 364-65, 2012: 39-40; Sherratt 2010: 132–35, 137-38; Crielaard 2016: 56–59; Murray 2017: 95–100; Bourogiannis 2018a: 54-55, 73-74; Hodos 2020: 163-64; Knodell 2021: 162–67; López-Ruiz 2021: 48–50.
(44)
Lemos 2020: 804.
(45)
See, e.g., I. Morris 1999: 62; Kourou 2008b: 307-8, 2012: 39-40; Sherratt 2010: 130; Bourogiannis 2018a: 54, 73-74; Stampolidis 2019: 501; Papadopoulos 2022: 149.
(46)
I. Morris 1989: 508, 1996: 4-5, 1999: 62, 2000: 78.
(47)
Kiderlen et al. 2016.
(48)
Snodgrass 1971: 402.
(49)
Smithson 1968, 1969; Liston and Papadopoulos 2004. For the quote, see Smithson 1968: 78, repeated in full by Liston and Papadopoulos 2004: 12.
(50)
Smithson 1968: 78–83, and the catalog on 83–116, pls. 18–33; Liston and Papadopoulos 2004: 9, 11–15; Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 124–76.
(51)
Smithson 1968: 83, quoted again in full by Liston and Papadopoulos 2004: 14 and by Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 982-83; see also Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 131.
(52)
Liston and Papadopoulos 2004: 15-23; see also now Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 3; Olsen 2020: 306-7, fig. 2.8.2.
(53)
Blegen 1952: 279–94, with catalog on 289–93; see now Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 2, 9, 104-5.
(54)
Blegen 1952: 279–82, 289.
(55)
See again Blegen 1952: 279–82, 289; see now Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 104–18, with catalog on 108–18. On such ritual “killing” of weapons specifically in the Early Iron Age Aegean, see, e.g., M. Lloyd 2015, 2018.
(56)
Coldstream 2006: 588-89; D’Agata 2006: 403; Wallace 2006: 621.
(57)
Hatzaki and Kotsonas 2020: 104–42, with earlier references; see also the original publication (Boardman 1967) and subsequent discussions and disagreements, including by Hoffman 1997: 17, 196–245; Kotsonas 2006; Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 349–51; Prent 2014: 660; Murray 2017: 188; Sogas 2019: 412–14; and S. P. Morris 2022: 102, among many others.
(58)
I. Morris 1996: 1, 6. See also I. Morris 1989: 514; see also earlier discussions in I. Morris 1987.
(59)
Kourou 2012: 41, with earlier references; Bell 2016: 97; Bourogiannis 2018a: 65; Stampolidis 2019: 495-96; Stampolidis et al. 2019. On Al Mina, see Kourou 2012: 41-42; previously, e.g., esp. Boardman 1980, 38–40, 1990.
(60)
Whitley 1991: 9.
(61)
Note that this date is not as fixed in stone as many might expect but apparently comes to us courtesy of calculations done by Aristotle, among others; see S. P. Morris 1989: 48; Swaddling 1999: 7, 10; Crowther 2007: 5-6; Nelson 2007: 48–54; Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 975n14.

الفصل السادس: من الانهيار إلى الصمود

(1)
See Cline 2021; see also now Molloy 2022, who has discussed whether the crisis also extended up into Europe.
(2)
Bavel et al. 2020: 141-42, drawing on previous work by Tainter and others, state: “Although a commonly accepted definition of societal collapse is hard to come by, many scholars agree that it represents a rapid, fundamental transformation of the social, political, and economic structures of a complex society for multiple generations.” See now Jackson et al. 2022; also Centeno et al. 2022: 63, who state: “If there is one central theme in the collapse literature it is that there is a notable disagreement about the meaning of the term ‘collapse.’”
(3)
McAnany and Yoffee 2010: 5.
(4)
I am indebted to one of the anonymous peer reviewers of the penultimate manuscript for suggesting the concise summations in these summarizing paragraphs, though I have tinkered with the phrasing.
(5)
On migrations at the end of the Late Bronze Age, see again Knapp 2021 as well as Middleton 2018a, 2018b. On possible Luwian migrations, see, e.g., J. F. Osborne 2021. See also Drews 1992 on Herodotus and the Etruscans.
(6)
Langgut, Neumann, et al. 2014: 296.
(7)
For early discussions of this topic, see, e.g., Holling 1986; Holling, Carpenter, et al. 2002; Holling and Gunderson 2002; Berkes, Colding, and Folke 2003: 16–18; Redman and Kinzig 2003; Folke 2006; Walker and Salt 2006: 75–95; now also Faulseit 2016: 12–16, among others. See Weiberg 2012 for a recent application of this concept to the collapse of the Late Bronze Age Aegean; also Ellenblum 2012: 15–21; Lantzas 2016; S. O’Brien 2017; Saltini Semerari 2017: 546–48, 565-66, 569.
(8)
Definitions following Walker et al. 2004: 2. See also discussion in Bradtmöller, Grimm, and Riel-Salvatore 2017: 10-11.
(9)
See Kemp and Cline 2022; Newhard and Cline 2022.
(10)
See now the relevant discussions in Haldon, Chase, et al. 2020: 16–21, 31–33 and Haldon, Binois-Roman, et al. 2021: 237-38, especially if we suggest that it is a collapse of the entire system, at the same time as wondering how each of the individual pieces will have been affected and responded differently. Centeno et al. 2022: 63 state specifically that “what collapses is not necessarily an entire society or civilization, but instead the larger organizational framework.”
(11)
I. Morris 2006: 72, 81-82, 84; see also Broodbank 2013: 506-7.
(12)
I. Morris 2006: 72; see also Yoffee 2006 on the concept of societal “regeneration” in this context.
(13)
For discussions of panarchy, the idea of which was originated by Holling in 2001, see also Gunderson and Holling 2002; Holling, Carpenter, et al. 2002; Holling and Gunderson 2002; Holling, Gunderson, and Ludwig 2002; Berkes, Colding, and Folke 2003: 18-19; Karkkainen 2005; Folke 2006; Kuecker and Hall 2011: 20; Budja 2015: 176-77; Bradtmöller, Grimm, and Riel-Salvatore 2017: 4; Saltini Semerari 2017: 546–48; Haldon, Binois-Roman, et al. 2021; also Kemp and Cline 2022; Newhard and Cline 2022. The concept of “punctuated equilibrium,” borrowed from evolutionary biology and applied when we see sudden changes to a stable system, such as the Collapse at the end of the Late Bronze Age, is also relevant here, but for reasons of space I will simply refer the reader to Haldon, Chase, et al. 2020: 32; see also Cline, forthcoming, which was written independently but covers the same ground and comes to similar conclusions.
(14)
Note also the similarity to the discussion of complexity theory in 1177 B.C., in which I used the analogy of a single thrown rod wrecking the engine of an expensive car; see Cline 2021: 176.
(15)
See, e.g., Berkes, Colding, and Folke 2003; Walker and Salt 2006; and the various chapters in Miller and Rivera 2011 and Kapucu, Hawkins, and Rivera 2013. On the IPCC, see https://www.ipcc.ch/about/history
(16)
See Kohler and Rockman 2020 on archaeology and the IPCC.
(17)
See Field et al. 2012. I am much indebted to Robert J. Lempert for information and for his insights regarding the various IPCC reports.
(18)
Lavell et al. 2012: 41.
(19)
Cutter et al. 2012: 296 (see also 293), with references; Handmer et al. 2012: 237, with references; Lavell et al. 2012: 42.
(20)
Cardona et al. 2012: 81, 86-87; Cutter et al. 2012: 300; Lavell et al. 2012: 36; K. O’Brien et al. 2012: 457, all with references.
(21)
The literature is immense; see previously Holling 1973 and the edited papers in Gunderson and Holling 2002; Berkes, Colding, and Folke 2003: 14-15; Gunderson 2003; Redman and Kinzig 2003; Walker et al. 2004; Redman 2005: 72–74; Folke 2006; Walker and Salt 2006: 1, 113, 119; Folke et al. 2010; McAnany and Yoffee 2010: 10; F. L. Edwards 2013: 24-25; Faulseit 2016: 12; Barnes et al. 2017; Bradtmöller, Grimm, and Riel-Salvatore 2017: 12-13; Middleton 2017b: 14-17, 2017c: 42–46; S. O’Brien 2017; Saltini Semerari 2017: 546; and now also Bavel et al. 2020: 35–37; Molloy 2022: 9 (online version); Centeno et al. 2022: 70; Kemp and Cline 2022. See also Haldon, Chase, et al. 2020: 13–15 for a discussion of collapse in the context of resilience theory, with specific points to be met.
(22)
The 2011 National Research Council definition can be found at doi.org/10.17226/13028: 4, 13-14; see also F. L. Edwards 2013: 29. A similar definition is used in the 2012 IPCC SREX publication; see Cardona et al. 2012: 75, with references; also the further discussions of resilience in Handmer et al. 2012: 238; Lavell et al. 2012: 34; K. O’Brien et al. 2012: 453, with references. The other definition cited is provided by Cox and Perry 2011: 395-96; see also most recently the relevant comments in Degroot et al. 2021: 542-43.
(23)
Cardona et al. 2012: 72-73, with references, including specific quote from Lavell 1999. See also originally Holling 2001: 394; now also Engle 2011.
(24)
Cardona et al. 2012: 73, with references; Lavell et al. 2012: 51 and table 1-1, with references. See also K. O’Brien et al. 2012: 459; Nicoll and Zerboni 2019; Bavel et al. 2020: 142-43.
(25)
Lavell et al. 2012: 53-54, with references; K. O’Brien et al. 2012: 443, 468, with references. See also Walker et al. 2004: 1–7 for their definitions of resiliency, adaptability, and transformability; also, e.g., McAnany and Yoffee 2010: 10-11; Barnes et al. 2017; most recently Bavel et al. 2020: 37-38; Jackson et al. 2022: 97. We might also consider the concept of “transformational adaptation,” which refers to “actions that change the fundamental attributes of a system,” specifically “in response to actual or expected impacts of climate change”; see Denton et al. 2014: 1121.
(26)
In particular, they see vulnerable groups as being more at risk from a potential disaster because of the various stressors or drivers that together threaten their “livelihoods, production, support infrastructure, and services.” The question, of course, is what makes one society vulnerable and another less so, but one recent definition refers to the likelihood of a society suffering adversely when impacted by extreme events. See esp. Cardona et al. 2012: 69–72, 88, with full references to previous definitions and terminologies; Lavell et al. 2012: 34. The specific definition is “the propensity… to suffer adverse effects when impacted by hazard events.” See now also Degroot et al. 2021: 540 on vulnerability and resilience. See also Bavel et al. 2020: 33–35 on vulnerability; their entire book, in fact, is titled Disasters and History: The Vulnerability and Resilience of Past Societies.
(27)
On fragility and society, see Dillehay and Wernke 2019: 9-10 and the other papers in the 2019 volume edited by Yoffee; Middleton 2020d; Maran 2023: 233-34, 241; also previously the relevant chapter in J. C. Scott’s 2017 book Against the Grain.
(28)
Re the Phoenicians taking over from Ugarit, see, e.g., Markoe 2000: 26; Bell 2006: 101-2, 2009: 30, 2016: 102; see also more generally Aubet 2001: 113-14.
(29)
Redman and Kinzig 2003: 2 and fig. 3.
(30)
Weiberg 2012: 159.
(31)
See again Lavell et al. 2012: 53-54; K. O’Brien et al. 2012: 443, 468, with references.
(32)
Bell 2009: 38.
(33)
See also now the discussion in Kemp and Cline 2022.
(34)
See now Jung and Kardamaki 2023: 21-22; Maran 2023: 233-34, 241.
(35)
See, e.g., Weiberg et al. 2010; Adcock 2020.
(36)
See, e.g., the arguments by Wallace (2006, 2010, 2017, 2018, 2020) re Iron Age Crete, cited above. See also now Pollard 2021, 2022.
(37)
See, e.g., d’Alfonso 2020 regarding Anatolia and the aftermath of the Hittites, in which he briefly discusses resilience, reorganization, and transformation; also Adcock 2020: xvi, 1–4, 51-52.
(38)
Koch 2021: 92, 105.
(39)
For what it’s worth, I have fluctuated between placing these southern Canaanites in categories 2, 4, and 5 during the course of writing. For the moment, I have settled on category 5 but remain open to being persuaded otherwise.
(40)
See Younker 1994 for a succinct summary of the various hypotheses.
(41)
See Mattingly 1994, with earlier references; also Finkelstein and Lipschits 2011; Finkelstein 2014.
(42)
Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 984, see also 973-74. See now also Knodell 2021: 251-52, 257; Maran 2023: 233-34; previously Weiberg 2012.
(43)
See now Newhard and Cline 2022. Maran 2023: 233-34 suggests other potential factors as well.
(44)
See Weiberg and Finné 2018: 595; also Finné, Holmgren, et al. 2017: 10-11; now Maran 2023: 237–39.
(45)
Maran 2023: 235–42.
(46)
On societal tipping points and the loss of resiliency, see Scheffer et al. 2009, 2021; Centeno et al. 2022: 66-67.
(47)
Adcock 2020: 54, also 59–65; Centeno et al. 2022: 64. See also Middleton 2017c: 18 and Kemp 2019; the latter poses in passing similar questions for the lower classes in the other societies at the time and concludes, “Collapse, then, is a double-edged sword. Sometimes it’s a boon for subjects and a chance to restart decaying institutions. Yet it can also lead to the loss of population, culture and hardwon political structures.”
(48)
See again Schachner 2020a, 2020b: 1109–12; also Seeher 2010; Genz 2013; Bryce 2016b, 2019; Middleton 2017c: 165, 172, 175-76; de Martino 2018; Maran 2023: 236-37.
(49)
Postgate 1992: 247, 249; see also Fales 2011: 13-14, 30-31, citing and agreeing with Postgate; also Younger 2017: 196; Düring 2020: 136.
(50)
Neumann and Parpola 1987: 171–76, table 2; Postgate 1992: 249; Düring 2020: 134.
(51)
See, e.g., the discussion of Assyrian society and other related details in Kuhrt 1995: 362–64, 478; Podany 2014: 100–108.
(52)
See Taleb 2004.
(53)
Handmer et al. 2012: 235. See also, e.g., Stuckenberg and Contento 2018.
(54)
See, e.g., Knodell 2021: 5, 114-15, as referenced above, and numerous other scholars who have touched on these topics as well, esp. Susan Sherratt and Carol Bell.
(55)
See Nassim Nicholas Taleb, in his book Fooled by Randomness (Taleb 2004: 12).
(56)
Eisenstadt 1988: 242; quoted also in Schwartz 2006: 6 and cited, with further discussion, by McAnany and Yoffee 2010: 5-6. See also now Centeno et al. 2022: 64-65.
(57)
Eisenstadt 1988: 243. Note, however, that I agree with Bavel et al. 2020: 142-43, who say specifically that “… we should make it clear that societal collapse was the exception rather than the rule throughout history—and even some of the so-called ‘classic’ collapses may be conceived of more as transitions and adaptations rather than as the destruction of all social, economic, and political structures.”
(58)
For similar situations, see Storey and Storey 2016: 99, 111-12, 119; their discussions regarding the end of the Roman Empire and the Classic Maya collapse ring true for our examination here as well, including “that there is almost always regeneration or resiliency but not necessarily in the same place as before nor in the same cultural manifestation.”
(59)
To quote Benjamin Porter of UC Berkeley: “Evidence… indicates that groups recovered at different rates and followed different trajectories of development.” He also observes, “Each polity… followed a distinct trajectory structured by historical, geographic, and environmental factors” (Porter 2016: 385, 390). Porter is talking specifically about the Iron Age II period in the Levant, but he might just as well be talking about everyone else as well, for his observations hold true for the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean in general in the centuries following the Collapse.
(60)
K. O’Brien et al. 2012: 441, with references.
(61)
Schwartz 2006: 5-6 (citing Yoffee and Cowgill 1988) states that “collapse usually entails some or all of the following: the fragmentation of states into smaller political entities; the partial abandonment or complete desertion of urban centers, along with the loss or depletion of the centralizing functions; the breakdown of regional economic systems; and the failure of civilization or ideologies… [R]arely does collapse involve the complete disappearance of a group of people.”
(62)
See https://www.thewoodeneffect.com/you-must-prepare-to-succeed. The original quote is often credited to Benjamin Franklin, but that may be erroneous. I am indebted to Mitchell Allen for input and discussions regarding these summative paragraphs (pers. comm., June 20, 2022).
(63)
Megginson 1963: 4. I thank Robert Cargill for bringing this quote to my attention.
(64)
On cascading failures and synchronous failures, see, e.g., Centeno et al. 2022: 68-69.

خاتمة

(1)
Muhly (2011: 48) notes, “The loss of the art of writing is the defining characteristic of a Dark Age, but it remains a symptom, not the cause of such a period.” See also Snodgrass 1971: 2 and now Sherratt 2020: 196-97 on the characteristics of a dark age. See also previously Tainter 1988: 4, 19-20, 193, 197; 1999: 989–91, 1030; also Chew 2001: 9-10, 60–62, 2005: 52–58, 67–70, 2007: xvi, 6–10, 13-14, 16-17nn9-10, 79–83, 94–99, 2008: 92-93, 120-21, 130-31 for his definitions and characteristics, as well as specifically on what he sees as the Dark Ages in Greece following the Collapse; relevant to this are T. D. Hall’s (2014: 82–84) comments on the first edition of 1177 B.C. For more recent relevant discussions, see also now Middleton 2017a, 2017c: 46; Scott 2017: 213–18.
(2)
I. Morris 1997: 97, 106, 129, also 2000: 78–106 (chap. 3). See now also the very thorough discussion by Kotsonas 2016: 239–70, who points specifically to Gilbert Murray’s book The Rise of the Greek Epic, which appeared in 1907 (Kotsonas 2016: 242).
(3)
Page 1962: 22; quoted as one of several examples in Muhly 2011: 49. See also, e.g., Coulson 1990: 7, 9-10; Coldstream 1992-3: 8, 1998; Muhly 2003: 23.
(4)
Starr 1961: 77.
(5)
See, e.g., I. Morris 2000: 92–102, discussing Snodgrass 1971; Desborough 1972 (also, previously, 1964); and Coldstream 1977; see also discussions of the same in Whitley 1991 and Dickinson 2006a: 3–5. See now also Kotsonas 2020: 82-83, who credits both Starr and Moses Finley as having “revived the concept of the Greek Dark Age(s) and passed it on to scholars like Snodgrass and Desborough, who wrote the homonymous syntheses in the early 1970s.” Personally, I am not as convinced that they “revived the concept” as much as they simply continued using it.
(6)
On the quote, see Starr 1992: 2-3; also Coulson 1990: 7; Muhly 2003: 26-27, 2011: 50 (citing this specific quote); Sherratt 2020: 196-97.
(7)
Quotations taken from S. P. Morris 1989: 48, 1992a: 140 (and see also 148). See also I. Morris 1997: 98, 111, 115, 117, 122-23, 125–28, 130, 2006: 81. He cites, in particular, S. P. Morris 1992a: 140, 1992b; Papadopoulos 1993. There were some die-hard holdouts as recently as the 1990s who still regarded this period in Greece as dark and as “an age of poverty, poor communications, and isolation from the outside world” (cited by Muhly 2003: 23, who gives a few examples); see also, e.g., Robin Osborne of Cambridge University, who wrote in 1996: “The general impression that we get is of contracted horizons: no big buildings, no multiple graves, no impersonal communication, limited contact with a wider world… Hence the gloom” (R. Osborne 1996: 32). However, see now also the relevant discussions by Kotsonas 2016: 262, 2020: 85; Bourogiannis 2018a: 43 (quoting Muhly 2011: 48); Murray 2018c: 19, 21-22, 28, 44, 46; Waal 2018: 109, 2020. Most recently Van Damme (2023: 112) has stated, “Originally described as a ‘Dark Age,’ this period [in Greece] is now acknowledged as a dynamic time of innovation and exchange characterized by an increase in social and geographic mobility.”
(8)
Jeffers 2013: 3. Similarly, Brian Brown, in his 2008 dissertation on North Syrian urbanism from 1200 to 800 B.C., notes, “The term ‘Dark Age,’ with its connotations of linear decline and regression, is… somewhat of a misnomer” and states further that recent research indicates “this term is not entirely accurate” (Brown 2008b: 2, 8-9).
(9)
Porter 2016: 386; Sherratt 2003: 37, see also 38–40. See also previously Niemeyer 2006: 144: “… in the archaeology of the Near East this ‘Dark Age’ currently seems to be undergoing a re-evaluation.”
(10)
See Whitley 1991: 5; also Coulson 1990: 7–10. See also subsequent discussion by Dickinson 2006a: 1, who agrees with Whitley’s statement.
(11)
Overall, see Papadopoulos 1993 (with rebuttals by I. Morris 1993 and Whitley 1993), 1996a, 1996b, 2014; Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 974–76. For specific quotes, see Papadopoulos 1993: 195; Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 975. On the rise of the polis, as well as the importance of iron, in the context of the “Dark Ages” in Greece, see Chew 2007: 105-6, 186-87, 2008: 24, 92-93, 120-21, 130-31. See also Muhly, who stated more than a decade ago, “Darkness implies disturbed social and economic conditions resulting from the breakdown of an existing political structure. That is certainly what happened in Greece by the late 12th century B.C. But the cultural isolation created by such darkness is not necessarily an unmitigated disaster, for cultural isolation carries within itself the opportunities for retrenchment, consolidation and rebirth” (Muhly 2011: 48, citing also the discussions by Starr 1961). See now also Scott 2017: 213–17. On the alpha phase, see again Walker et al. 2004: 2.
(12)
For specific quotes, see Papadopoulos 1993: 197, 2014: 181; Papadopoulos and Smithson 2017: 974 (quoting Harland 1941: 429), 976. See also R. Osborne 1996: 37, who says that “we are obliged to conclude that the Greeks of the archaic period knew nothing about the Dark Age.”
(13)
See also previously Cline 2014: xv, 9, 171–73 and, e.g., Bunnens 2000: 13; Kourou 2008a: 361; Bryce 2020: 106; Hodos 2022: 215.
الرجوع إلى الصفحة الرئيسية للكتاب

جميع الحقوق محفوظة لمؤسسة هنداوي © ٢٠٢٥