ملاحظات

مقدمة

(1)
R. F. Baumeister, E. Bratslavsky, C. Finkenauer and K. D. Vohs, ‘Bad is Stronger than Good’, Review of General Psychology, 5 (2001): 323–70.
(2)
Leslie Farber, Ways of the Will (New York, 2000).
(3)
Adam Phillips, Monogamy (London, 1996), 7.
(4)
Abraham Maslow developed a theory of human motivation based on a hierarchy of needs. The most basic level needs are physiological, e.g. for food, water and safety. The next level is psychological, including friendship, love and prestige and finally the highest level is around self-fulfilment and self-actualization. His claim was that you don’t tend to have higher level needs until the lower level ones have been met.
(5)
Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Harmondsworth, 1963), 128.

الفصل الأول: حقل الألغام الاجتماعي

(1)
Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual (New Brunswick 1967/2005) 33:
The human tendency to use signs and symbols means that evidence of social worth and of mutual evaluations will be conveyed by minor things, and these things will be witnessed, as will the fact that they have been witnessed. An unguarded glance, a momentary change of voice, an ecological position taken or not taken, can drench a talk with judgmental significance. Therefore, just as there is no occasion of talk in which improper impressions could not intentionally or unintentionally arise, so there is no occasion of talk so trivial as not to require each participant to show serious concern with the way in which he handles himself and the others present.
(2)
Woods Acknowledges Ford Maddox Ford’s Use of this Example on What He Calls ‘Getting a Character in’.
(3)
See Nancie George, ‘How Social Pain Affects Your Mind and Body’, Everyday Health (22 January 2015), www.everydayhealth.com/news/how-social-pain-affects-your-mind-body/.
(4)
Oliver Burkeman, The Antidote (Edinburgh, 2012), 25.
(5)
Mark Leary, The Curse of the Self: Self-Awareness, Egotism, and the Quality of Human Life (New York, 2007), 77.
(6)
Quoted in Ephraim H. Mizruchi, The Substance of Sociology (New York, 1973), 200.
(7)
Until children develop what’s known as a ‘theory of mind’ — the ability to see things from another’s point of view, and crucially the ability to think about what other people think about them — these emotions would make no sense.
(8)
Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 111.
(9)
Brené Brown, ‘Listening to Shame’, TED Talk (16 March 2012), https://www.ted.com/talks/brene_brown_listening_to_shame.
(10)
John Sabini and Maury Silver, Emotion, Character and Responsibility (New York, 1998), 21.
(11)
Adam Phillips, ‘Against Self-Criticism’, London Review of Books, 5 March 2015.
(12)
So, shame and guilt are in fact mutually compatible and sometimes intimately associated. A single action can elicit both. John Rawls in A Theory of Justice asks you to:
imagine for example someone who cheats or gives in to cowardice and then feels both guilty and ashamed. He feels guilty because he has acted contrary to his sense of right and justice. By wrongly advancing his interest, he has transgressed the rights of others, and his feelings of guilt will be more intense if he has ties of friendship and association to the injured parties. He expects others to be resentful and indignant at his conduct, and he fears their righteous anger and the possibility of reprisal. Yet he also feels ashamed because his conduct shows that he has failed to achieve the goal of self-command, and he has been found unworthy of his associates upon whom he depends to confirm his sense of his own worth. He is apprehensive lest they reject him and find him contemptible, an object of ridicule. In his behavior, he has betrayed a lack of the moral excellences he prizes and to which he aspires. (Rawls 1971, 445).
(13)
Steven Pinker, The Stuff of Thought: Language as a Window into Human Nature (London, 2008).
(14)
Fiske describes a fourth relationship type, known as ‘market pricing’. He claims we evolved to learn the first three, which all come naturally to us in different settings, but the fourth is a more recent phenomenon that occurs in post-industrial market-based societies and involves instrumental assessments of pure utility, and is something we are not well adapted to handling intuitively.
(15)
M. Morgan et al. (2006). ‘Interactions of Doctors with the Pharmaceutical Industry’, Journal of Medical Ethics 32(10), 559–63.
(16)
P. M. Lewinsohn, W. Mischel, W. Chaplain and R. Barton (1980). ‘Social Competence and Depression: The Role of Illusory Self-Perceptions?’ Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 89, 203–12.
(17)
And many of them argue that the result of the Brexit referendum in the UK was an example where the expressive trumps the instrumental.
(18)
Sam Selvon, The Lonely Londoners (London, 1956), 25.
(19)
Kate Fox, Watching the English: The Hidden Rules of English Behaviour (London, 2005), 92.
(20)
‘Saying uncovers the one that speaks, … The unblocking of communication … is accomplished in saying It is in the risky uncovering of oneself, in sincerity, the breaking up of inwardness and the abandon of all shelter, exposure to traumas, vulnerability’ (Emmanuel Levinas, Otherwise Than Being, or, Beyond Essence (Dordrecht, 1998), 48-9).
(21)
Richard Feynman, Surely You’re Joking, Mr. Feynman! (New York, 1997), 60.
(22)
Charles Percy Snow, The Two Cultures (Cambridge 2001 [1959]).
(23)
Clifford Geertz, who developed Ryle’s insight about thick description comments that ‘Man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun. I take culture to be those webs and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning’ (The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973)).
(24)
Mark Leary, Self Presentation (Colorado, 1995), 165.
(25)
Leary tested people described as ‘mavericks’ versus those that could be described as ‘needy’. He put them each in a room and got them to speak into a microphone about themselves. They could see a rating from invisible listeners tracking between one and seven as to whether the listener wanted to interact with them. The ratings were rigged and the outcome revealed that everyone cares, whether maverick or needy. Leary’s conclusion was ‘the sociometer operates at a non conscious and pre-attentive level to scan the social environment for any and all indications that one’s relational value is low or declining’. (Ibid, 78)
(26)
Tesser Self Evaluation Maintenance Theory sets out ways we manage to avoid having to compete for self-esteem in our ‘top domains’ with those near and dear. ‘Our choices of friends and partners, and how we react to those friends’ and partners’ successes, are affected by our own desire to feel good about ourselves’. (Leary, Curse of the Self, 115.)
(27)
As Sabini and Silver (1998) explain, ‘sincerity (authenticity, genuineness, phoniness, hollowness, etc.) is both moral and aesthetic’.
When we started it appeared as if enacted roles and genuine feelings were necessarily in opposition. Since sincerity was a matter of feeling, of conscious contents, of impulses and tugs, any model that dealt with rules, standards, manipulated impressions — social constructions — could not approach sincerity. We have argued instead that sincerity, even sincerity as seen as a match between feelings and avowals, requires rules, standards, and even manipulations — the constructed stuff. (64).

الفصل الثاني: النوع الصحيح من السُّمعة

(1)
As was presciently predicted by the psychologist Herb Simon in the 1970s.
(2)
S. D. Reicher and S. A. Haslam, ‘The Politics of Hope: Donald Trump as an Entrepreneur of Identity’, in M. Fitzduff (ed.), Why Irrational Politics Appeals (Santa Barbara, CA, 2017), 25–40.
(3)
R. Harré, Social Being, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1993).
(4)
Jonathan Haidt, The Righteous Mind (London, 2012), 54.
(5)
Though you could question the direction of travel: Does a concern for a good reputation encourage us to act morally, or is the causal arrow pointing the other way (as we might like to think)? Either way, when it comes to reputations the word ‘good’ tends to have this moral tone and to go with trustworthiness. We are accordingly extremely sensitized to cheats and free-riders.
(6)
NHS Choices, ‘Alcohol “a Direct Cause of Seven Types of Cancer”’, www.nhs.uk/news/2016/07July/Pages/alcohol-a-direct-cause-of-seven-types-of-cancer.aspx.
(7)
Aronson identified this in The Social Animal. Other social psychologists have come up with a clunky neologism for this combination, calling it ‘beneffectance’, a compound of benevolence and effectiveness.
(8)
Steven Pinker, How the Mind Works (London, 1997), 421–3.
(9)
Susan T. Fiske, Amy J. C. Cuddy and Peter Glick (2006). ‘Universal Dimensions of Social Cognition: Warmth and Competence’, TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences 11(2), 77–83, http://fidelum.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/Warmth-Competence-2007.pdf.
(10)
The name Gray Matter, colleagues of mine will be amused to know, came from combining the names of the two founders, namely White and Schwartz, meaning ‘black’ in German.
(11)
Michel de Montaigne, The Complete Works of Montaigne: Essays, Travel Journals, Letters, ed. and trans. Donald C. Frame (Stanford, CA, 1958), I: 28, ‘Of Friendship’, 142.
(12)
Jonathan Haidt distinguishes between ‘admiration’ and ‘elevation’, saying that the former is inspired by non-moral excellence, i.e. competence, while the latter is inspired by moral excellence: Sara B. Algoea and Jonathan Haidt (2009). ‘Witnessing Excellence in Action: the “Other-Praising” Emotions of Elevation, Gratitude, and Admiration’, Journal of Positive Psychology 4(2), 105–27, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2689844/.
(13)
This is in fact a parody of the actual Venn diagram created by Anna Faherty after a talk I gave to her students: ‘Love and Money: It’s all about the Author for Sage’, https://kingstonpublishing.wordpress.com/2011/11/06/love-and-money-its-all-about-the-author-for-sage/.
(14)
Jonathan Haidt, et al. (2007). ‘The New Synthesis in Moral Psychology’, Science 316, 998, http://www.unl.edu/rhames/courses/current/readings/new-synthesis-haidt.pdf.
(15)
Milan Kundera, Slowness (London, 1998), 44.

الفصل الثالث: حكَّام لا يُعتمد عليهم

(1)
Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York 1973), 45.
(2)
You can take the test here and see for yourself: https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/takeatest.html.
(3)
S. J. Spencer, C. M. Steele and D. M. Quinn (1999). ‘Stereotype Threat and Women’s Math Performance’, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 35, 4–28.
(4)
American Psychological Association, ‘Stereotype Threat Widens Achievement Gap’, 15 July 2006, http://www.apa.org/research/action/stereotype.aspx.
(5)
‘Iris Bohnet on Discrimination and Design’, Social Science Bites (interview), 10 May 2016, https://www.socialsciencespace.com/2016/05/iris-bohnet-on-discrimination-and-design/.
(6)
Daniel Kahneman, Thinking Fast and Slow (London, 2011).
(7)
Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, ‘Judgement under Uncertainty’, Science 27 Sep 1974.
(8)
Celia Moore and Francesco Gino (2013), ‘Ethically Adrift: How Others Pull Our Moral Compass from True North, and How We Can Fix It’, Research in Organizational Behavior, 33, 53–77.
(9)
Jonathan Haidt, The Righteous Mind: Why Good People are Divided by Politics and Religion (London, 2012), 61 cites the work of Chenbo Zhong who also showed that the reverse is true too, asking people to recall their own or even to write down descriptions of others’ moral transgressions will be more inclined to want to wash. He calls this the ‘Macbeth effect’.
(10)
The evolutionary account suggests we’ve developed these reflexes so as to know who to trust and therefore who we can cooperate with. This may be a species of just-so story, but even if valid it doesn’t mean this is what is going on in our minds now. An evolved preference that might have served a purpose long ago might explain how it arrived, like a sweet tooth once helped survival by motivating people to find scarce sugar and fats, but long after that is widely available and no longer meets that need. For evolutionists, the original (distal) motivation to behave a certain way (such as having sex for procreation) can over time become disconnected from that original purpose while still being a strong tendency for recent (proximal) motivation. So, moral intuitions persist even if we aren’t in a constant state of anxiety about whether we will be able to trade or cooperate successfully with other group members. The same goes for cultural evolution. We have come a long way from shaking hands to show that we aren’t concealing weapons, but the practice continues nevertheless.
(11)
Robert McCrum, A Conversation with Philip Roth, The Guardian, 1 July 2011, www.theguardian.com/books/2001/jul/01/fiction.philiproth1.
(12)
See Martha C. Nussbaum, Hiding from Humanity: Disgust, Shame and Law (Princeton, NJ, 2004).
(13)
An amendment to the UK Local Government Act 1988, which was eventually repealed in 2000.
(14)
L. Kass (1997). ‘The Wisdom of Repugnance’, New Republic 216 (22), http://www.public.iastate.edu/~jwcwolf/336/KASS.pdf.
(15)
Known now as the Social Intuitionist Model.
(16)
The New Republic, ‘The Stupidity of Dignity’, 28 May 2008, https://newrepublic.com/article/64674/the-stupidity-dignity.
(17)
In recent years Haidt and his colleagues have since proposed a sixth foundation, namely liberty vs oppression. This is strongly seen in the libertarian tendency to resist constraints on freedom. It often pulls in the opposite direction to the authority foundation and wants to punish bullies and to resist oppression. Haidt et al. have come up with these candidates for moral foundations but recognize that through further research more could be established or some might end up being combined, but they stick with the idea that there are many.
(18)
This account of our moral foundations is rooted in the insights of anthropologist Richard Shweder, who countered the peculiarly Western notion of morality being bound up with the individual to recognize that in most places and most times human beings have had a far wider array of moral groundings. By contrasting individualist with collectivist cultures, he suggested that the former value an ethic of autonomy, which is clearly recognizable in the West and is to do with individual harms and rights, whereas the latter offer up an ethic of community which emphasizes duty and following communal will as well as an ethic of divinity which invites you to treat your body as your temple, emphasizing the sacred and the pure. This tripartite distinction of autonomy, community and divinity applies across cultures to varying degrees with autonomy most pronounced in a minority of cultures, mainly in the West.
(19)
Joe Henrich, Steve Heine and Ara Norenzayan (2010). ‘The Weirdest People in the World?’, Behavioral and Brain Sciences 33 (2-3), 61–83.
(20)
There is a popular argument that we should in fact only use the first two moral foundations in judging others. According to this liberal view morality should be narrowly focused on whether anyone gets hurt, or there is unfairness. And those who go beyond the first two of care/harm and fairness/cheating in their judgements bring in a whole group of problems. Too much respect for loyalty, authority and purity can lead to jingoism and hostility to outsiders, subjugation of the disadvantaged and racism, homophobia and other forms of oppression. But it is only a small part of the world population who think this way.
(21)
The Ecologist, ‘It Can’t Be Easy Being George Monbiot’, 5 December 2013, http://www.jonathonporritt.com/blog/it-can%E2%80%99t-be-easy-being-george-monbiot.
(22)
dissident93, ‘John Pilger’s “Leaked” Emails’, 10 August 2011, https://dissident93.wordpress.com/2011/08/10/pilger-leaked-emails/.
(23)
James Delingpole, ‘George Monbiot: The New Christopher Hitchens?’, 27 May 2012, http://www.delingpoleworld.com/2012/05/27/george-monbiot-the-new-christopher-hitchens/.
(24)
J. M. Darley and C. D. Batson (1973). ‘From Jerusalem to Jericho: A Study of Situational and Dispositional Variables in Helping Behavior’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 27, 100–8.
(25)
Michael I. Norton and Dan Ariely (2011). ‘Building a Better America—One Wealth Quintile at a Time’, Perspectives on Psychological Science 6(9), http://www.people.hbs.edu/mnorton/norton%20ariely.pdf.
(26)
Bystander effect and social proof are concepts in social psychology that describe how we turn to others to form our own views. Bystanders ignore someone in trouble if they see others doing the same, and social proof, where people emulate the actions of others to reflect correct behaviour, describes why they do so.
(27)
M. Levine, A. Prosser, D. Evans and S. Reicher (2005). ‘Identity and Emergency Intervention: How Social Group Membership and Inclusiveness of Group Boundaries Shapes Helping Behavior’, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 31, 443–53.
(28)
Francesca Gino, Shahar Ayal and Dan Ariely (2009). ‘Contagion and Differentiation in Unethical Behavior: The Effect of One Bad Apple on the Barrel’, Psychological Science, 20, 393.
(29)
Roy F. Baumeister, Laura Smart and Joseph M. Boden (1996). ‘Relation of Threatened Egotism to Violence and Aggression: The Dark Side of High Self-esteem’, Psychological Review, 103(1), 5–33.
(30)
The anthropologist Scott Atran argues that it is ‘sacred values’ that are responsible for our most deeply held commitments, and which licence extremes of action such as violence and war.
(31)
This new judgement was upheld in the House of Lords on the basis that the previous jury had not been properly guided to think about the probability of the consequence before they decided it was foreseeable. Their sentence was accordingly reduced to eight years and they were released in 1989.
(32)
The Harvard psychologist Fiery Cushman tested the idea that we learn better from outcomes, rather than our intentions, being punished. He had people throw darts at a colour-coded board. The thrower didn’t know which colour was high value or low value and was punished for getting it wrong. The dart throwers were divided into two groups: those who nominated the colour they were going for, and those who just threw the dart. The latter group learned to identify the high value colours more effectively.
(33)
Joshua Knobe (2003). ‘Intentional Action and Side Effects in Ordinary Language’, Analysis, 63, 190–3.
(34)
But there is a twist. When you do a bad thing out of anger you look overcome with distorting emotion, when you do a good thing out of compassion you look like your true self. This seems opposite to the Knobe effect.
(35)
Joshua Greene, Moral Tribes: Emotion, Reason and the Gap Between Us and Them (New York, 2013), 70.
(36)
Paul Bloom, Against Empathy: The Case for Rational Compassion (New York, 2016), 9.
(37)
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philospohy, ‘Moral Psychology: Empirical Approaches’, 19 April 2006, https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/moral-psych-emp/.
(38)
We should be careful to note a difference between ‘act utilitarianism’ and ‘rule utilitarianism’. Act utilitarianism invites the narrower judgement that an action is morally justified if it in itself brings the greater happiness to the greater number. But the rule version requires that the act accords with a rule which itself brings the greatest happiness to the greatest number.
(39)
Haidt, The Righteous Mind, 71.
(40)
Ibid., 71.
(41)
Sandra L. Schneider and James Shanteau (eds), Emerging Perspectives on Judgment and Decision Research (Cambridge, 2003), 438-9.
(42)
Given various combinations of spectators and receivers, Hume concludes that there are four irreducible categories of qualities that exhaustively constitute moral virtue: (1) qualities useful to others, which include benevolence, meekness, charity, justice, fidelity and veracity; (2) qualities useful to oneself, which include industry, perseverance and patience; (3) qualities immediately agreeable to others, which include wit, eloquence and cleanliness and (4) qualities immediately agreeable to oneself, which include good humour, self-esteem and pride. For Hume, most morally significant qualities and actions seem to fall into more than one of these categories.
Agreeable Useful
Pride, self-esteem Industry To self
Wit, cleanliness Benevolence To others
(43)
Rationality is largely not the basis of moral judgement for us, so if Kant tells us to tell the truth even if it hurts our friends, or Bentham warns us to spend less time with our children so as to benefit the numerous suffering children we have never met, we can appreciate their logic but it still doesn’t fit our intuitions.
(44)
Haidt, The Righteous Mind, (London, 2012) 63.
(45)
Haidt, The Happiness Hypothesis, (London, 2006).

الفصل الرابع: التحرر

(1)
Long before I became aware of the books’ and the film’s colonialist and racist overtones.
(2)
William Shakespeare, The Tragedy of King Lear, Act III. Scene IV, 113–15.
(3)
The film Into the Wild describes well one man’s urge to renounce the trappings of civilization for a Thoreau-like adventure of self-reliance.
(4)
Mark Rowlands, The Philosopher and the Wolf: Lessons from the Wild on Love, Death and Happiness (London, 2009), 86.
(5)
John Tooby, Edge 2017 Question ‘Coalitional Psychology’, https://www.edge.org/response-detail/27168.
(6)
Dunbar explains that this is ‘the number of people you would not feel embarrassed about joining uninvited for a drink if you happened to bump into them in a bar’.
(7)
Jonathan Haidt, The Righteous Mind, (London, 2012), 76.
(8)
Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures, (New York, 1973), 33.
(9)
Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations, (Oxford, 1998) 223.
(10)
Stendhal, Intimate Works, quoted in Jon Elster, Sour Grapes: Studies in the Subversion of Reality, (Cambridge, 1985).
(11)
Philip Rieff in the Triumph of the Therapeutic said Freud democratized genius.
(12)
John Gottman says in a relationship you need five positive interactions to compensate for one negative one.
(13)
A thinly veiled depiction of Roth himself, who appears in several of his novels.
(14)
I’ll note here that a Jordanian-Irish person writing about a Jewish novelist portraying a black man pretending to be white is layered with partial comprehension and the potential for unintended insensitivities of its own. This in itself bears on the themes I want to highlight in this book.
(15)
Chimimanda Adichie in her novel Americanah features hair repeatedly as a marker that can force black people to the margins.
(16)
Friedrich Nietzsche, (New York, 1974) [1882] The Gay Science, 310.
(17)
This is where humans take on animal form and become dissolved in their worlds like the cows on page 51. Between pages 47 and 52 we’re given viscerally apt writing, like Hardy’s Tess of the D’Urbervilles walking through the milking fields looking for the spoiling garlic, dragging thistle milk and slug slime in her wake.

الفصل الخامس: الحكم الأخير

(1)
Emine Saner, ‘Mitch Winehouse on Amy the Film’, The Guardian (1 May 2015), www.theguardian.com/music/2015/may/01/mitch-winehouse-interview-amy-documentary-film.
(2)
Dan P. McAdams, The Art and Science of Personality Development (Guildford, 2015).
(3)
These sketches of Trump come from McAdams’s piece in the Atlantic, summarized in the Guardian article from which these quotations are taken (Dan P. McAdams, ‘A Psychological Trap: Making Sense of Donald Trump’s Life and Personality’, The Guardian (5 August 2016), www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/aug/05/donald-trump-psychology-personality-republicans-election).
(4)
You can see how this plays out when you contrast the formative stories of the WEIRD liberals discussed in Chapter 3 with those of a more conservative bent:
When asked to describe in detail the most important episodes in their self-defining life narratives, conservatives told stories in which authorities enforce strict rules and protagonists learn the value of self-discipline and personal responsibility, whereas liberals recalled autobiographical scenes in which main characters develop empathy and learn to open themselves up to new people and foreign perspectives. When asked to account for the development of their own religious faith and moral beliefs, conservatives underscored deep feelings about respect for authority, allegiance to one’s group, and purity of the self, whereas liberals emphasized their deep feelings regarding human suffering and social fairness.
D.P.M. McAdams et al. (2008), ‘Family Metaphors and Moral Intuitions: How Conservatives and Liberals Narrate Their Lives’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology (95), 978.
(5)
Christopher Booker, The Seven Basic Plots: Why We Tell Stories (London, 2004). He goes rather farther than his remit, it seems to me, when criticizing great works for failing to match the basic plots well enough.
(6)
Even though he calls the book The Seven Basic Plots and these form the structure of the first section of the book, later on he adds two more. The first is ‘Rebellion Against “The One”’, where the protagonist resists a tremendous enemy force until overwhelmed by that power. The second is ‘Mystery’, where someone steps into an awful but unexplained event and has to make sense of what happened.
(7)
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory (London, 1985).
(8)
Wittgenstein, The Brown Book (Oxford, 1958), 87.
(9)
Some, of course, are written by the deceased themselves. An obituary editor says you can always tell when an obit was written by the person themselves because the penultimate paragraph tends to go ‘one area of their many achievements that was overlooked’.
(10)
Though it is telling that Spike Milligan’s ‘See, I told you I was ill’ is rendered in Gaelic so as to come across as less blunt to passing onlookers. We don’t think of death a laughing matter. Presumably Irish speakers are considered to be more philosophically resilient.
(11)
James Wood, The Nearest Thing to Life (London, 2015), 19.
(12)
Alexander Nehamas, On Friendship (New York, 2016), 125.
(13)
This idea was suggested to me by the writer and technology theorist Tom Chatfield.
(14)
Julian Baggini, The Ego Trick: What Does It Mean To Be You? (London, 2012).
(15)
William Shakespeare, Macbeth, Act V. Scene V, lines 24–28.
(16)
James Wood, The Nearest Thing to Life (London, 2015), 53.

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