ملاحظات

مقدمة

(1)
A.J. Arberry, Sufism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1950).
(2)
Arberry (1950), p. 119.
(3)
J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971).
(4)
L.E. Schmidt, “The Making of Modern ‘Mysticism’,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, 2 (2003), pp. 273–302.
(5)
See e.g. H. Dabashi, Truth and Narrative: The Untimely Thoughts of ‘Ayn al-Qudāt al-Hamadhānī (London: Routledge, 1999) and L. Massignon, The Passion of al-Hallāj: Mystic and Martyr of Islam, 4 vols (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982 [1922]).
(6)
A. Hammoudi, Master and Disciple: The Cultural Foundations of Moroccan Authoritarianism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).
(7)
I.M. Lewis, Saints and Somalis: Popular Islam in a Clan-Based Society (Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press, 1998), p. 9.
(8)
N.S. Green, “Between Heidegger and the Hidden Imam: Reflections on Henry Corbin’s Approaches to Mystical Islam,” in M.R. Djalili, A. Monsutti & A. Neubauer (eds), Le Monde turco-iranien en question (Paris: Karthala, 2008).
(9)
W.C. Chittick, Sufism: A Short Introduction (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2000), C.W. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Sufism (Boston: Shambhala, 1997), and A. Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975).
(10)
For an excellent case study of the inner-workings of tradition in one Sufi brotherhood, see C.W. Ernst & B.B. Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love: The Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).
(11)
N.S. Green, “The Religious and Cultural Roles of Dreams and Visions in Islam,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 13, 3 (2003), pp. 287–313.
(12)
S.T. Katz, “The ‘Conservative’ Character of Mystical Experience,” in Katz (ed.), Mysticism and Religious Traditions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983).
(13)
M. Molé, Les Mystiques musulmans (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1965), p. 4, my translation.
(14)
S.T. Katz, “Mystical Speech and Mystical Meaning,” in Katz, Mysticism and Language (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 5.
(15)
E. Shils, Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006 [1981]), pp. 12, 13.
(16)
Shils (2006), p. 23.
(17)
Shils (2006), p. 14.
(18)
Shils (2006), p. 12.
(19)
Arberry (1950), p. 122.
(20)
For critical evaluations of the historiography of Sufism, see N.S. Green, “Making Sense of ‘Sufism’ in the Indian Subcontinent: A Survey of Trends,” Religion Compass (Wiley-Blackwell Online, 2008); A. Knysh, “Historiography of Sufi Studies in the West,” in Y.M. Choueiri (ed.), A Companion to the History of the Middle East (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2005); and D. Le Gall, “Recent Thinking on Sufis and Saints in the Lives of Muslim Societies, Past and Present,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, 4 (2010), pp. 673–687.
(21)
On this Sufi lexicon, see N.S. Green, “Idiom, Genre and the Politics of Self-Description on the Peripheries of Persian,” in N.S. Green & M. Searle-Chatterjee (eds), Religion, Language and Power (New York: Routledge, 2008).

الفصل الأول: الأصول والأسس والمنافسون (٨٥٠–١١٠٠)

(1)
T. Sizgorich, Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity: Militant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010).
(2)
Sizgorich (2010), pp. 149, 276–278.
(3)
G. Ogén, “Did the Term Sufi Exist before the Sufis?” Acta Orientalia (Copenhagen) 43 (1982), p. 45.
(4)
Ogén (1982), p. 48.
(5)
R.A. Nicholson, “A Historical Enquiry Concerning the Origin and Development of Sufism,” Journal of Royal Asiatic Society (1906), pp. 303–348.
(6)
E. Key Fowden, “The Lamp and the Wine Flask: Early Muslim Interest in Christian Asceticism,” in A. Akasoy, J.E. Montgomery & P.E. Pormann (eds), Islamic Crosspollinations: Interactions in the Medieval Middle East (Cambridge: E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 2007); H. Kilpatrick, “Monasteries Through Muslim Eyes: The Diyarat Books,” in D. Thomas (ed.), Christians at the Heart of Islamic Rule: Church Life and Scholarship in ‘Abbasid Iraq (Leiden: Brill, 2003); and F. Rosenthal, Greek Philosophy in the Arab World: A Collection of Essays (Aldershot: Variorum, 1990).
(7)
M. Smith, Studies in Early Mysticism in the Near and Middle East (London: The Sheldon Press, 1931). On earlier claims of Indian influences, see T. Duka, “The Influence of Buddhism on Islam,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1904), pp. 125–141 and M. Horten, Indische Strömungen in der Islamischen Mystik (Heidelberg: O. Harrassowitz, 1927-28).
(8)
Julian Baldick, Mystical Islam (London: I.B. Tauris, 1989), pp. 13–33; O. Livne-Kafri, “Early Muslim Ascetics and the World of Christian Monasticism,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 20 (1996) 105–129; and A. Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient: A Contribution to the History of Culture in the Near East (Louvain: Secrétariat du Corpus SCO, 1958).
(9)
Smith (1931), p. 3.
(10)
L. Kinberg, “What is Meant by Zuhd?” Studia Islamica 61 (1985) 27–44 and C. Melchert, “The Transition from Asceticism to Mysticism at the Middle of the Ninth Century CE,” Studia Islamica 83 (1996), pp. 51–70.
(11)
Baldick (1989), p. 17.
(12)
M. Molé, Les mystiques musulmans (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1965), chapter 1.
(13)
Baldick (1989), pp. 15–18.
(14)
J. Baldick, “The Legend of Rābi‘a of Basra: Christian Antecedents, Muslim Counterparts,” Religion 20 (1990), pp. 233–247. For a fuller and more traditional account, see M. Smith, Rābi‘a the Mystic and her Fellow-Saints in Islām (Cambridge: The University Press, 1928).
(15)
For attempts to alternatively uncover the earliest historical data and the biographical tropes of these figures, see J. Chabbi, “Fudayl ibn ‘Ayyād, un précurseur du hanbalisme (187/803),” Bulletin d’Études Orientales de l’Institut Français de Damas 30 (1978), pp. 331–335 and M. Cooperson, “Ibn Hanbal and Bishr al-Hafi: A Case-Study in Biographical Traditions,” Studia Islamica 86, 2 (1997), pp.71–101.
(16)
M. Bonner, Aristocratic Violence and Holy War: Studies in the Jihad and the Arab-Byzantine Frontier (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1996).
(17)
C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).
(18)
T. Sizgorich, “Narrative and Community in Islamic Late Antiquity,” Past & Present 185 (2004), pp. 9–42.
(19)
On these biographical strategies, see M. Cooperson, Classical Arabic Biography: The Heirs of the Prophets in the Age of al-Ma’mūn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), chapter 5.
(20)
For an overview, see M. Fakhry, A Short Introduction to Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Mysticism (Oxford: Oneworld, 1997). However, on ascetic trends even among the champions of reason, see O. Aydinli, “Ascetic and Devotional Elements in the Mu‘tazilite Tradition: The Sufi Mu‘tazilites,” Muslim World 97, 2 (2007), pp. 174–189.
(21)
M. Cooperson, Al-Ma’mun (Oxford: Oneworld, 2005) and J.A. Nawas, “A Reexamination of Three Current Explanations for al-Ma’mun’s Introduction of the Mihna,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, 4 (1994), pp. 615–629.
(22)
On the notion of ‘constitutional’ and ‘autocratic’ blocs, see W.M. Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1962), p. 53.
(23)
For different approaches to the problem of early Sufi controversialism, see G. Böwering, “Early Sufism between Persecution and Heresy,” in F. de Jong & B. Radtke (eds), Islamic Mysticism Contested (Leiden: Brill, 1999) and B. Radtke, “Warum ist der Sufi Orthodox?” Der Islam 71, 2 (1994), pp. 302–307.
(24)
On debates about whether Hadith should actually be allowed to be written down, see M. Cook, “The Opponents of the Writing of Tradition in Early Islam,” Arabica 44 (1997), pp. 437–530 and G. Schoeler, The Oral and the Written in Early Islam (New York: Routledge, 2006).
(25)
P.J. Awn, “Classical Sufi Approaches to Scripture,” in S.T. Katz (ed.), Mysticism and Sacred Scripture (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
(26)
For wider discussions of non-Sufi book use at this time, see S. Günther, “Praise to the Book! Al-Jahiz and Ibn Qutayba on the Excellence of the Written Word in Medieval Islam,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 32 (2006), pp. 125–143 and S. Toorawa, Ibn Abi Tahir Tayfur and Arabic Writerly Culture: A Ninth Century Bookman in Baghdad (London: Routledge, 2005).
(27)
L. Massignon, Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997 [1922]) and P. Nwiya, Exégèse Coranique et Langue Mystique (Beirut: Dar el-Machreq Editeurs, 1970).
(28)
Massignon (1997 [1922]).
(29)
Baldick (1989), p. 26.
(30)
On the earliest surviving evidence of Sufi interpretations of the Quran, see G. Böwering, The Mystical Vision of Existence in Classical Islam (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1980) and K.Z. Sands, Sūfī Commentaries on the Qur’ān in Classical Islam (London: Routledge, 2006).
(31)
C. Melchert, “The Hanābila and the Early Sufis,” Arabica 48, 3 (2001), pp. 352–367.
(32)
The fullest study of Muhasibi remains J. van Ess, Die Gedankenwelt des Hārit al-Muhāsibī anhand von übersetzungen aus seinen Schriften dargestellt und erläutert (Bonn: Selbstverlag des Orientalischen Seminars der Universität Bonn, 1961); for the best synthesis in English, see L. Librande, “Islam and Conservation: The Theologian-Ascetic al-Muhāsibī,” Arabica 30, 2 (1983), pp. 125–146. On his opponents, see G. Picken, “Ibn Hanbal and al-Muhasibi: A Study of Early Conflicting Scholarly Methodologies,” Arabica 55, 3 (2008), pp. 337–361.
(33)
On Muhasibi as a non-Sufi, see Baldick (1989), pp. 33–35.
(34)
S. Sviri, “The Self and its Transformation in Sufism, With Special Reference to Early Literature,” in D.D. Shulman & G.G. Stroumsa (eds), Self and Self-Transformation in the History of Religions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
(35)
The fullest study is N. Saab, “Mystical Language and Theory in Sufi Writings of al-Kharrāz,” unpublished PhD thesis, Yale University, 2004. On the Epistles, see Nwiya (1970), pp. 234–270.
(36)
Baldick (1989), p. 40.
(37)
Abu Sa‘id al-Kharraz, The Book of Truthfulness (Kitāb al-Sidq), trans. A. J. Arberry (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1937), p. 4, citing Quran XVIII: 110.
(38)
al-Kharraz (1937), p. 1.
(39)
Nwiya (1970), pp. 234–237.
(40)
Nwiya (1970), pp. 237–242. On the discussion of Friendship (wilaya) in the writings of Kharraz and his contemporaries, see B. Radtke, “The Concept of Wilāya in Early Sufism,” in L. Lewisohn (ed.), Classical Persian Sufism: From its Origins to Rumi (London: Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications, 1993).
(41)
For a full elucidation of Tustari’s thought, see Böwering (1980).
(42)
C. Melchert, “Basran Origins of Classical Sufism,” Der Islam 83 (2006), pp. 221–240.
(43)
Cf. Baldick (1989), p. 40.
(44)
Quran VII: 172 and LV: 26-27. For fuller discussion of the covenant, see Böwering (1980), chapter 4.
(45)
For a translation of this section of Tustari’s commentary, see M. Sells (ed. & trans.), Early Islamic Mysticism (New York: Paulist Press, 1996), pp. 92–95.
(46)
For a summary and translation of Junayd’s writings, see A.H. Abdel-Kader, The Life, Personality and Writings of al-Junayd: A Study of a Third/Ninth Century Mystic (London: Luzac, 1976).
(47)
Abdel-Kader (1976), pp. 1–7.
(48)
Abdel-Kader (1976), pp. 68–75.
(49)
Abdel-Kader (1976), pp. 76–80.
(50)
Abdel-Kader (1976), p. 153.
(51)
Abdel-Kader (1976), pp. 88–96.
(52)
Ahmet Karamustafa, Sufism: The Formative Period (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), pp. 11-12.
(53)
R.C. Zaehner, Hindu and Muslim Mysticism (London: Athlone Press, 1960), chapter 5. For a reassessment, see Baldick (1989), pp. 35–37.
(54)
On the emergence of the two schools typology, see J.A. Mojaddedi, “Getting Drunk with Abū Yazīd or Staying Sober with Junayd: The Creation of a Popular Typology of Sufism,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 66, 1 (2003), pp. 1–13.
(55)
Abdel-Kader (1976), pp. 142-143.
(56)
On Hallaj, see (with caution) H.W. Mason, Al-Hallaj (London: Curzon Press, 1995) and L. Massignon, The Passion of al-Hallāj: Mystic and Martyr of Islam, 4 vols (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982 [1922]). For translations of his writings and sayings, see G. Kamran, Ana al-Haqq Reconsidered, with a Translation of Kitab al-Tawasin (Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 1994); L. Massignon & P. Kraus, Akhbar al-Hallaj: Recueil d’Oraisons et d’Exhortations du Martyr Mystique de l’Islam Husayn Ibn Mansur Hallaj (Paris: Librarie Philosophique Vrin, 1957); and A. Schimmel, Al-Halladsch: “O Leute, rettet mich vor Gott” (Freiburg: Herder, 1995).
(57)
See P.J. Awn, Satan’s Tragedy and Redemption: Iblīs in Sufi Pyschology (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983), especially chapter 3.
(58)
A.J. Arberry (ed. & trans.), The Mawáqif and Mukhátabát of Muhammad Ibn ’Abdi’l-Jabbár al-Niffari (London: Luzac & Co., 1935). On the depiction of the places on the Path a generation later, see K. Honerkamp, “A Sufi Itinerary of Tenth Century Nishapur Based on a Treatise by Abū ‘Abd al-Rahmān al-Sulamī,” Journal of Islamic Studies 17, 1 (2006), pp. 43–67.
(59)
Massignon (1997), Nwiya (1970). For different interpretations of the later use of this vocabulary, see K.S. Avery, A Psychology of Early Sufi Samā‘: Listening and Altered States (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), chapter 3; C.W. Ernst, “Mystical Language and the Teaching Context in the Early Sufi Lexicons,” in S.T. Katz (ed.), Mysticism and Language (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); and N.S. Green, “Idiom, Genre and the Politics of Self-Description on the Peripheries of Persian,” in N.S Green & M. Searle-Chatterjee (eds), Religion, Language and Power (New York: Routledge, 2008).
(60)
C. Melchert, “The Etiquette of Learning in the Early Islamic Study Circle,” in J.E. Lowry, D.J. Stewart & S.M. Toorawa (eds), Law and Education in Medieval Islam: Studies in Memory of Professor George Makdisi (Warminster: E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 2004).
(61)
On the early Islamization of Khurasan and Central Asia, see R.W. Bulliet, “Conversion to Islam in Iran and the Emergence of a Muslim Society in Iran,” in N. Levtzion (ed.), Conversion to Islam (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979) and D.G. Tor, “The Islamization of Central Asia in the Sāmānid Era and the Reshaping of the Muslim World,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 72, 2 (2009).
(62)
J. Chabbi, “Remarques sur le Développement Historique des Mouvements Ascétiques et Mystiques au Khurasan,” Studia Islamica 46 (1977), pp. 5–72; on the various designations in use, see pp. 29–38.
(63)
Ogén (1982).
(64)
C.E. Bosworth, “The Rise of the Karāmiyyah in Khurasan,” Muslim World 50 (1960), pp. 5–14, W. Madelung, Religious Trends in Early Islamic Iran (Albany, N.Y.: Persian Heritage Foundation, 1988), chapter 4 and M. Malamud, “The Politics of Heresy in Medieval Khurasan: The Karramiyya in Nishapur,” Iranian Studies 17 (1994), pp. 37–51.
(65)
On the theological output of various Karrami masters, see J.-C. Vadet, “Le Karramisme de la Haute-Asie au Carrefour de Trois Sectes Rivales,” Revue des Études Islamiques 48 (1980), pp. 25–50.
(66)
Madelung (1988), p. 45.
(67)
Chabbi (1977), C. Melchert, “Sufis and Competing Movements in Nishapur,” Iran 39 (2001), pp. 237–247 and S. Sviri, “Hakīm Tirmidhī and the Malāmatī Movement in Early Sufism,” in Lewisohn (1993). For a translation of the main primary source on the Malamatiyya by al-Sulami (d.1021), see N. Heer & K.L. Honerkamp (trans.), Three Early Sufi Texts: A Treatise on the Heart, Stations of the Righteous, The Stumblings of Those Aspiring (Louisville KY: Fons Vitae, 2003).
(68)
Karamustafa (2007), pp. 48–51.
(69)
In this I am following the interpretation of Karamustafa (2007), p. 47 and B. Radtke, “Theologen und Mystiker in urāsān und Transoxanien,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 136 (1986), pp. 536–569. On the theological output of various hakims, see C. Gilliot, “La Théologie Musulmane en Asie Centrale et au Khorasan,” Arabica 49, 2 (2002), pp. 135–203.
(70)
For the fullest accounts, see B. Radtke, Al-akīm at-Tirmidī: Ein Islamischer Theosoph des 3./9. Jahrhunderts (Freiberg: K. Schwarz, 1980) and Sviri (1993).
(71)
B. Radtke & J. O’Kane (trans.), The Concept of Sainthood in Early Islamic Mysticism: Two Works by Al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1996).
(72)
The autobiography is translated in Radtke & O’Kane (1996), pp. 15–36.
(73)
Radtke & O’Kane (1996), p. 169.
(74)
On the formation of the Muslim elite among whom the Sufis would locate themselves, see R.W. Bulliet, The Patricians of Nishapur: A Study in Medieval Islamic Social History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972).
(75)
J. Paul, The State and the Military: The Samanid Case (Bloomington: Indiana University, Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1994) and Tor (2009).
(76)
For details of such figures, see Melchert, “Competing Movements” (2001), pp. 237–239. On the interaction between travel, writing and knowledge in this period more generally, see H. Touati, Islam et Voyage au Moyen Âge: Histoire et Anthropologie d’une Pratique Lettrée (Paris: Le Seuil, 2000).
(77)
M. Malamud, “Sufi Organizations and Structures of Authority in Medieval Nishapur,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, 3 (1994), p. 430.
(78)
For a recent version of the critique, see the comments on Malamud (1994) in Melchert, “Competing Movements” (2001), p. 242.
(79)
Melchert “Competing Movements” (2001).
(80)
Malamud (1994), pp. 433–435.
(81)
G. Böwering, “The Qur’an Commentary of al-Sulami,” in W. Hallaq & D. Little (eds), Islamic Studies Presented to Charles J. Adams (Leiden: EJ Brill, 1991) and F.S. Colby, “The Subtleties of the Ascension: al-Sulamī on the Mi‘rāj of the Prophet Muhammad,” Studia Islamica, 94 (2002), pp. 167–183.
(82)
F. Meier, “Khurasan and the End of Classical Sufism,” in Meier, Essays on Islamic Mysticism and Piety (Leiden: Brill, 1999), p. 214.
(83)
Most famously, see A.J. Arberry, Sufism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1950), chapter 11 and J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971). For the most thorough reassessment of the contrast as it relates to the master/disciple relationship, see L. Silvers-Alario, “The Teaching Relationship in Early Sufism: A Reassessment of Fritz Meier’s Definition of the Shaykh al-Tarbiya and the Shaykh al-Ta‘līm,” Muslim World 93 (2003), pp. 69–97.
(84)
Meier (1999).
(85)
For translations, see Abu Nasr al-Sarraj, The Kitáb al-Luma‘ fi’l-Taawwuf of Abú Nar ‘Abdallah b. ‘Ali al-Sarráj al-úsi (trans. R.A. Nicholson) (London: Luzac & Co., 1914); Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi, The Doctrine of the ūfīs (trans. A.J. Arberry) (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1966); Abu’l-Qasim al-Qushayri, Al-Qushayri’s Epistle on Sufism (trans. A.D. Knysh) (Reading: Garnet Publishing, 2007); and Ali bin Uthman al-Hujwiri, The Kashf al Majúb: The Oldest Persian Treatise on Súfism (trans. R.A. Nicholson) (London: Luzac & Co., 1936).
(86)
Ibn al-Husayn al-Sulami, The Way of Sufi Chivalry (trans. T.B. al-Jerrahi) (London: East-West Publications, 1983). On the subsequent development of this sub-tradition, see L. Ridgeon, Morality and Mysticism in Persian Sufism: A History of Sufi-Futuwwa in Iran (London: Routledge, 2009).
(87)
D.G. Tor, Violent Order: Religious Warfare, Chivalry, and the ‘Ayyār Phenomenon in the Medieval Islamic World (Würzburg: Ergon, 2007).
(88)
J. A. Mojaddedi, The Biographical Tradition in Sufism: The Tabaqat Genre from al-Sulami to Jami (Richmond: Curzon Press, 2001). For translated selections from later Sufi biographies, see J. Renard (ed.), Tales of God’s Friends: Islamic Hagiography in Translation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009).
(89)
On the presentation of Junayd’s life by the biographers Abu Nu‘aym al-Isfahani (d.1038) and ‘Abd al-Rahman Jami (d.1492), see J.A. Mojaddedi, “Junayd in the ‘Hilyat al-Awliyā’ and the ‘Nafahat al-Uns’,” in Renard (2009).
(90)
See for example the chapter ‘On Blame [malamat]’ in al-Hujwiri (1936), pp. 62–69.
(91)
For classic if problematic surveys, see G. Makdisi, “Muslim Institutions of Learning in Eleventh-Century Baghdad,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 24 (1961), pp. 1–56 and A.L. Tibawi, “Origin and Character of al-Madrasah,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 25, 2 (1962), pp. 225–238.
(92)
O. Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam: Negotiating Ideology and Religious Inquiry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006).
(93)
H. Dabashi, “Historical Conditions of Persian Sufism during the Seljuq Period,” in Lewisohn (1993).
(94)
For a biographical study of his writings, see E. Ormsby, Ghazali: The Revival of Islam (Oxford: Oneworld, 2008).
(95)
For translations of both texts, see al-Ghazali, Mishkāt al-Anwār (The Niche for Lights) (trans. W.H.T. Gairdner) (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1924) and W.M. Watt, The Faith and Practice of al-Ghazālī (London: G. Allen and Unwin, 1953).
(96)
On ribat foundation in Baghdad from this period, see J. Chabbi. “La Fonction du Ribat à Bagdad du V Siècle au Debut du VII Siècle,” Revue des Études Islamiques 42 (1974), pp. 101–121.
(97)
R. Azuar Ruiz (ed.), El Ribāt Califal: Excavaciones y Investigaciones (1984–1992) (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2004).
(98)
M. Azuar Ruiz, “Excavaciones (1984–1992): Espacios, Arquitectura y Estratigrafía,” in Azuar Ruiz (2004).
(99)
C. Barceló Torres, “Los Escritos Árabes de la Rabita de Guardamar,” in Azuar Ruiz (2004).
(100)
H.J. Fisher, “What’s in a Name? The Almoravids of the Eleventh Century in the Western Sahara,” Journal of Religion in Africa 22, 4 (1992), pp. 290–317.
(101)
M. Marín, “La Práctica del Ribāt en Al-Andalus,” in Azuar Ruiz (2004), pp. 192–195.
(102)
D. Urvoy, “La vie intellectuelle et spirituelle dans les Baléares musulmanes,” Al-Andalus 37, 1 (1972), pp. 87–127, particularly p. 88, and A. Metcalfe, The Muslims of Medieval Italy (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009), pp. 61-62.
(103)
For the argument for the distinctiveness of Spanish Muslim militaristic spirituality, see M. de Epalza, “La Espiritualidad Militarista del Islam Medieval: el Ribat, los Ribates, las Rabitas y los Almonastires de al-Andalus,” Medievalismo: Boletín de la Sociedad Espanola de Estudios Medievales 3 (1993), pp. 5–18.
(104)
Marín (2004).
(105)
Marín (2004), p. 194.
(106)
P. Cressier, “De un Ribāt a Otro: Una Hipótesis sobre los Ribāt-s del Magrib al-Aqsà,” in Azuar Ruiz (2004).
(107)
On Ibn Khafif and his disciple Daylami, the most important of the early Sufis in southern Iran, see Abū’l-Hasan ‘Alī b. Muhammad al-Daylamī, A Treatise on Mystical Love (trans. J.N. Bell & H.M. Al-Shafie) (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2005) and F. Sobieroj, Ibn afīf Aš-Šīrāzī und seine Schrift zur Novizenerziehung (Kitāb al-Iqtiād): Biographiche Studien, Edition und Übersetzung (Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998).
(108)
D. Aigle, “Un Fondateur d’Ordre en Milieu Rural: Le Cheikh Abû Ishâq de Kâzarûn,” in Aigle (ed.), Saints Orientaux (Paris: De Boccard, 1995). For Kazaruni’s biography, see F. Meier (ed.), Die Vita des Scheich Abû Isâq al-Kāzarūnī in der Persischen Bearbeitung (Leipzig: Kommisionsverlag F. A. Brockhaus, 1948).
(109)
C.E. Bosworth, “An Early Persian Sufi: Shaykh Abū Sa‘īd of Mayhanah,” in R. M. Savory & D.A. Agius (eds), Logos Islamikos: Studia Islamica in Honorem Georgii Michaelis Wickens (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1984), T. Graham, “Abu Sa‘id ibn Abi’l-Khayr and the School of Khurasan,” in Lewisohn (1993) and R.A. Nicholson, Studies in Islamic Mysticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921), chapter 1.
(110)
A.G. Ravan Farhadi, “The Hundred Grounds of ‘Abdullāh Ansārī of Herat (d.448/1056): The Earliest Mnemonic Sufi Manual in Persian,” in Lewisohn (1993).
(111)
On developments in the theory of sama‘ in Abu Sa‘id’s lifetime, especially by Qushayri (d.1074) in Khurasan, see Avery (2004).
(112)
For a translation of the later of the two, see Mohammad Ibn-e Monawwar, Les Étapes Mystiques du Shaykh Abu Sa‘id: Mystères de la Connaissance de l’Unique (trans. M. Achena) (Paris: Desclée De Brouwer, 1974).
(113)
The expression belongs to Trimingham (1971), p. 71. The influential decline model is most clearly outlined in Trimingham (1971), chapter 3.
(114)
al-Hujwiri (1936), pp. 68-69, 234-235.
(115)
On the links of many Sufis to the most “traditionalist” wing of Sunni Islam, see G. Makdisi, “The Hanbali School and Sufism,” in Makdisi, Religion, Law and Learning in Classical Islam (Aldershot: Variorum, 1991) and Melchert, “Hanābila” (2001).

الفصل الثاني: إسلام الأولياء والطرق (١١٠٠–١٤٠٠)

(1)
For overviews, see H. Dabashi, “Historical Conditions of Persian Sufism during the Seljuq Period,” in L. Lewisohn (ed.), Classical Persian Sufism: From its Origins to Rumi (London: Khanaqahi Nimatullahi Publications, 1993) and O. Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam: Negotiating Ideology and Religious Inquiry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), especially chapter 2.
(2)
D. Ephrat, “Religion in the Public Sphere: Rulers, Scholars, and Commoners in Syria under Zangid and Ayyubid rule (1150–1260),” in M. Hoexter, S.N. Eisenstadt & N. Levtzion (eds), The Public Sphere in Muslim Societies (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002) and Y. Tabbaa, Constructions of Power and Piety in Medieval Aleppo (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997).
(3)
For contrasting readings of Suhrawardi as mystic or philosopher, see M. Amin Razavi, Suhrawardi and the School of Illumination (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1997) and H. Ziai, Knowledge and Illumination: A Study of Suhrawardī’s Hikmat al-Ishrāq (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990).
(4)
I.R. Netton, “The Neoplatonic Substrate of Suhrawardi’s Philosophy of Illumination: Falsafa as Tasawwuf,” in L. Lewisohn (ed.), The Legacy of Medieval Persian Sufism (London: Khanaqah Nimatullahi Publishing, 1992) and J. Walbridge, The Leaven of the Ancients: Suhrawardī and the Heritage of the Greeks (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999).
(5)
On later Sufi light mysticism, see H. Corbin, The Man of Light in Iranian Sufism (Boulder: Shambhala, 1978) and J.J. Elias, “A Kubrawī Treatise on Mystical Visions: The Risāla-yi Nūriyya of ‘Alā’ ad-Dawla as-Simnānī,” Muslim World 83, 1 (1993), pp. 68–80.
(6)
Shihâboddîn Yahya Sohravardî, Le Livre de la Sagesse Orientale (trans. H. Corbin) (Paris: Gallimard, 1986).
(7)
R.D. Marcotte, “Reason (‘Aql) and Direct Intuition (Mushahada) in the Work of Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi (d.1191),” in T. Lawson (ed.), Reason and Inspiration in Islam: Essays in Honour of Hermann Landolt (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004).
(8)
W.M. Thackston (trans.), The Mystical and Visionary Treatises of Suhrawardi (London: Octagon Press, 1982). For an interpretation of the symbolism of two of the treatises, see G. Webb, “An Exegesis of Suhrawardi’s The Purple Intellect (‘Aql-i Surkh),” Islamic Quarterly 26, 4 (1982), pp. 194–210 and A.K. Tuft, “Symbolism and Speculation in Suhrawardī’s the Song of Gabriel’s Wing,” in P. Morewedge (ed.), Islamic Philosophy and Mysticism (New York: Caravan, 1981).
(9)
N.S. Green, “The Religious and Cultural Roles of Dreams and Visions in Islam,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 13, 3 (2003), pp. 287–313.
(10)
C.W. Ernst, Ruzbihan Baqli: Mysticism and the Rhetoric of Sainthood in Persian Sufism (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1996).
(11)
Ernst (1996), p. 118.
(12)
Ernst (1996), p. 20.
(13)
J.G. Katz, Dreams, Sufism, and Sainthood: The Visionary Career of Muhammad al-Zawāwī (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996).
(14)
On Ibn ‘Arabi’s life, see C. Addas, Quest for the Red Sulphur: The Life of Ibn ‘Arabi (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 1993). On his connections to Spanish and North African Sufis, see G. Elmore, “Poised Expectancy: Ibn al-‘Arabī’s Roots in Sharq al-Andalus,” Studia Islamica 90 (2000), pp. 51–66 and A. Shafik, “Los Šādiliyya e ibn ‘Arabī tras las huellas de Abū Madyan,” Revista de Ciencias de las Religiones 14 (2009), pp. 117–132. For Ibn al-‘Arabi’s own account of his teachers in Spain, see Ibn ‘Arabi, Sufis of Andalusia: The Ruh al-Quds and al-Durrah al-Fakhirah of Ibn Arabi (trans. R.W.J. Austin) (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1971).
(15)
Ibn al-‘Arabī, The Meccan Revelations: Selected Texts of al-Futūhāt al-Makkiya (trans. M. Chodkiewicz, W.C. Chittick & J.W. Morris) (New York: Pir Press, 2002–).
(16)
On medieval discussion over the finality of Muhammad’s message, see Y. Friedmann, Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ahmadi Religious Thought and its Medieval Background (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), chapter 2 & 3.
(17)
S.H. Bashier, Ibn al-‘Arabī’s Barzakh: The Concept of the Limit and the Relationship between God and the World (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004).
(18)
W.C. Chittick, The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn al-‘Arabi’s Metaphysics of Imagination (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989).
(19)
S. Akkach, “The World of Imagination in Ibn ‘Arabi’s Ontology,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 24, 1 (1997), pp. 97–113 and H. Corbin, Creative Imagination in the Sūfism of Ibn al-‘Arabī (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969).
(20)
W.C. Chittick, Imaginal Worlds: Ibn al-‘Arabi and the Problem of Religious Diversity (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994).
(21)
On his critics, see A.D. Knysh, Ibn ‘Arabi in the Later Islamic Tradition: The Making of a Polemical Image in Medieval Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999).
(22)
See W.C. Chittick, “Notes on Ibn al-‘Arabi’s Influence in the Indian Sub-Continent,” Muslim World 82 (1992), pp. 218–241; J. Clark, “Early Best-Sellers in the Akbarian Tradition: The Dissemination of Ibn ‘Arabi’s Teaching through Sadr al-Din al-Qunawi,” Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn ‘Arabi Society 33 (2003); V.J. Cornell, Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998), chapters 6 & 7; L. Lewisohn Beyond Faith and Infidelity: The Sufi Poetry and Teachings of Mahmud Shabistari (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1995); and R.J.A. McGregor, Sanctity and Mysticism in Medieval Egypt: The Wafā’ Sufi Order and the Legacy of Ibn ‘Arabī (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004).
(23)
Amid the voluminous literature on Rumi, the outstanding survey is F.D. Lewis, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West (Oxford: Oneworld, 2000).
(24)
W.C. Chittick, The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual Teachings of Rumi (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983) and J.E.B. Lumbard, “From Hubb to ‘Ishq: The Development of Love in Early Sufism,” Journal of Islamic Studies 18, 2 (2008), pp. 345–385. Ahmad Ghazali is not to be confused with his brother, the more respectable madrasa Sufi, Abu Hamid Ghazali.
(25)
C.W. Ernst, “Mystical Language and the Teaching Context in the Early Sufi Lexicons,” in S. Katz (ed.), Mysticism and Language (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).
(26)
A.T. Karamustafa, God’s Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Later Middle Period 1200–1550 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994).
(27)
For alternative approaches to the definition and emergence of the brotherhoods, see J.M. Abun-Nasr, Muslim Communities of Grace: The Sufi Brotherhoods in Islamic Religious Life (Columbia University Press, 2007), chapter 3 & 4, C.W. Ernst & B.B. Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love: The Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), chapter 1 and J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), chapter 2 & 3.
(28)
For an overview of organizational patterns, see M. Gaborieau, “Les Modes d’Organisation,” in A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (eds), Les Voies d’Allah: Les Ordres Mystiques dans le Monde Musulman des Origines à Aujourd’hui (Paris: Fayard, 1996), pp. 205–212.
(29)
L. Fernandes, The Evolution of a Sufi Institution in Mamluk Egypt: The Khanqah (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1988), Y. Tabbaa, The Transformation of Islamic Art during the Sunni Revival (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001) and E.S. Wolper, Cities and Saints: Sufism and the Transformation of Urban Space in Medieval Anatolia (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003).
(30)
See V.J. Cornell, “Ibn Battuta’s Opportunism: The Networks and Loyalties of a Medieval Muslim Scholar”, in M. Cooke & B.B. Lawrence (eds), Muslim Networks from Hajj to Hip Hop (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005) and I.R. Netton, “Myth, Miracle and Magic in the Rihla of Ibn Battuta,” in Netton, Seek Knowledge: Thought and Travel in the House of Islam (London: Routledge, 1996).
(31)
H.F.C. Edwards, “The Ribat of ‘Ali b. Karmakh,” Iran 29 (1991), pp. 85–94.
(32)
On brotherhoods and etiquette, see G. Böwering, “Règles et Rituels Soufi,” in Popovic & Veinstein (1996), pp. 139–156.
(33)
On women as patrons in this period, see R.S. Humphreys, “Women as Patrons of Religious Architecture in Ayyubid Damascus,” Muqarnas 11 (1994), pp. 35–54 and E.S. Wolper, “Princess Safwat al-Dunyā wa al-Dīn and the Production of Sufi Buildings and Hagiographies in Pre-Ottoman Anatolia,” in D.F. Ruggles (ed.), Women, Patronage and Self-Representation in Islamic Societies (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000).
(34)
On the popular preaching as a means of social influence for Sufis and others, see J.P. Berkey, Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Islamic Near East (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001).
(35)
For a case study of this posthumous process as related to Abu’l Hasan al-Shadhili (d.1258), see D. Gril, “Le Saint Fondateur,” in Popovic & Veinstein (1996), pp. 104–120.
(36)
For overviews of Abu Najib’s career, see A. Bigelow, “The Sufi Practice of Friendship, the Suhrawardi Tariqa and the Development of a Middle Road,” Jusūr: UCLA Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 15 (1999), pp. 14–49 and I.R. Netton, “The Breath of Felicity: Adab, Ahwāl, Maqāmāt and Abū Najīb al-Suhrawardī,” in Netton (1996), pp. 71–92.
(37)
M. Milson (trans.), A Sufi Rule for Novices: Kitāb Ādāb al-Murīdīn of Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975).
(38)
On his relationship with the caliph, see A. Hartmann, “La Conception Gouvernementale du Calife an-Nasir li-Din Allah,” Orientalia Suecana 22 (1973), pp. 52–61. On his overall career, see E.S. Ohlander, Sufism in an Age of Transition: ‘Umar al-Suhrawardī and the Rise of the Islamic Mystical Brotherhoods (Leiden: Brill, 2008), chapter 2.
(39)
For translations, see R. Gramlich (trans.), Die Gaben der Erkenntnisse des ‘Umar as-Suhrawardī (‘Awārif al-Ma‘ārif) (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1978) and Shahāb-u’d-Dīn ‘Umar b. Muammad Suhrawardī, The ‘Awārif-u’l-Ma‘ārif (trans. H. Wilberforce Clarke) (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1973). Note that the latter translation is of a later Persian recension.
(40)
Ohlander (2008), chapters 3 & 4.
(41)
On the expansion into India, see S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, 2 vols (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978–1983), vol. 1, pp. 190–226.
(42)
Ohlander (2008), p. 314.
(43)
J.J. Elias, “The Sufi Robe (Khirqa) as a Vehicle of Spiritual Authority,” in S. Gordon (ed.), Robes and Honor: The Medieval World of Investiture (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000).
(44)
On ‘Abd al-Qadir’s own career, see J. Chabbi, “‘Abd al-Kadir al-Djilani, Personnage Historique,” Studia Islamica 38 (1973), pp. 75–106. On subsequent Qadiri expansion into Africa and India, see A.S. Karrar, The Sufi Brotherhoods in the Sudan (London: C. Hurst & Co, 1992), pp. 20–35 and Rizvi (1978–1983), vol. 2, pp. 55–150.
(45)
On this theory, see Abun-Nasr (2007), p. 82.
(46)
P.M. Currie, The Shrine and Cult of Mu‘īn al-Dīn Chishtī of Ajmer (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989).
(47)
S. Abdul Latif, The Muslim Mystic Movement in Bengal, 1301–1550 (Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi, 1993), pp. 18–40, R. Aquil, “Hazrat-i-Delhi: The Making of the Chishti Sufi Centre and the Stronghold of Islam,” South Asia Research 28, 1 (2008), pp. 23–48 and C.W. Ernst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992).
(48)
S. Digby, “Before Timur Came: Provincialization of the Delhi Sultanate through the Fourteenth Century”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, 3 (2004), pp. 298–356 and R.M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
(49)
R.M. Eaton, “The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of Bābā Farīd”, in B.D. Metcalf (ed.), Moral Conduct and Authority: The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984); Eaton (1993); and B.B. Lawrence, “Islam in India: The Function of Institutional Sufism in the Islamization of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Kashmir,” Contributions to Asian Studies 17 (1982), pp. 27–43. On parallel processes among Christians in Anatolia, see S. Vryonis, The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), chapter 5 and Wolper (2003), chapter 5.
(50)
S. Babs Mala, “The Sufi Convent and its Social Significance in the Medieval Period of Islam,” Islamic Culture 51, 1 (1977), M.A. Khan, “Khanqahs: Centres of Learning,” in M. Haidar (ed.), Sufis, Sultans and Feudal Orders: Professor Nurul Hasan Commemoration Volume (Delhi: Manohar, 2004) and I.H. Siddiqui, “The Early Chishti Dargahs”, in C.W. Troll (ed.), Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989).
(51)
On Chishti Sufism as a vehicle of Muslim ‘integration’ with Hindus, see M. Alam, The Languages of Political Islam (London: Hurst, 2004), chapter 3.
(52)
For overviews of the brotherhood’s history, see H. Algar, “The Naqshbandi Order: A Preliminary Survey of its History and Significance,” Studia Islamica 44 (1976), pp. 123–152 and I. Weismann, The Naqshbandiyya: Orthodoxy and Activism in a Worldwide Sufi Tradition (London: Routledge, 2007).
(53)
J. Paul, “Solitude within Society: Early Khwajagani Attitudes toward Spiritual and Social Life,” in P.L. Heck (ed.), Sufism and Politics: The Power of Spirituality (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2007).
(54)
D. DeWeese, “Khojagani Origins and the Critique of Sufism: The Rhetoric of Communal Uniqueness in the Manaqib of Khoja ‘Ali ‘Azizan Ramitani” in F. De Jong & B. Radtke (eds), Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, ed. Frederick and Bernd (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1999), pp. 492–519.
(55)
D. DeWeese, “The Mashā’ikh-i Turk and the Khojagān: Rethinking the Links between the Yasawī and Naqshbandī Sufi Traditions,” Journal of Islamic Studies 7, 2 (1996), pp. 180–207.
(56)
J. Gross, “The Economic Status of a Timurid Sufi Shaykh: A Matter of Conflict or Perception?” Iranian Studies 21, 1-2 (1988), pp. 84–104 and J. Paul, Doctrine and Organization: The Khwājagān/Naqshbandīya in the First Generation after Bahā’uddīn (Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 1998).
(57)
T. Zarcone, “Le mausolée de Baha al-Din Nakshband à Bukhara (Uzbekistan),” Journal of Turkish Studies 19 (1995), pp. 231–244.
(58)
On the latter regions in this period, see D. Ephrat, Spiritual Wayfarers, Leaders in Piety: Sufis and the Dissemination of Islam in Medieval Palestine (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), E. Geoffroy, Le Soufisme en Egypte et en Syrie sous les Derniers Mamelouks et les Premiers Ottomans: Orientations Spirituelles et Enjeux Culturels (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1995) and R. McGregor & A. Sabra (eds), Le Développement du Soufisme en Égypte à l’Époque Mamelouke (Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 2006).
(59)
See e.g. Trimingham (1971), p. 70: “This development into orders, and the integral association of the saint cult with them, contributed to the decline of Sufism as a mystical Way.” For a more sympathetic survey of the evolution of Islamic sainthood, see J. Renard, Friends of God: Islamic Images of Piety, Commitment and Servanthood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008).
(60)
M. Fierro, “The Polemic about the Karāmāt al-Awliyā’ and the Development of Sūfism in al-Andalus (Fourth/Tenth-Fifth/Eleventh Centuries)”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55, 2 (1992), pp. 236–249.
(61)
A. Karamustafa, “Walayah According to al-Junayd (d.910),” in Lawson (2005), pp. 62–68.
(62)
For contrasting positions on whether we can speak of ‘sanctity’ in Islam, see J. Baldick, Mystical Islam (London: I.B. Tauris, 1989), pp. 7-8 and F.M. Denny, “God’s Friends: The Sanctity of Persons in Islam,” in R. Kieckhefer & G.D. Bond (eds), Sainthood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). For a fuller comparative survey, see N. Amri & D. Gril (eds), Saint et Sainteté dans le Christianisme et l’Islam: Le Regard des Sciences de l’Homme (Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2007).
(63)
On such shared shrines and practices, see M. Ayoub, “Cult and Culture: Common Saints and Shrines in Middle Eastern Popular Piety”, in R.G. Hovannisian & G. Sabagh (eds), Religion and Culture in Medieval Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999) and J.W. Meri, The Cult of Saints Among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
(64)
L. Halevi, Muhammad’s Grave: Death Rites and the Making of Islamic Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007) and C. Robinson, “Prophecy and Holy Men in Early Islam”, in J. Howard-Johnston & P.A. Hayward (eds), The Cult of the Saints in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
(65)
For of a study of such guides, pilgrims and the literature surrounding them, see C.S. Taylor, In the Vicinity of the Righteous: Ziyāra and the Veneration of Muslim Saints in Late Medieval Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1999). For translations from a wide range of hagiographies themselves, see J. Renard (ed.), Tales of God’s Friends: Islamic Hagiography in Translation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009).
(66)
On these sites, see Ernst (1992), R. Marefat, “Beyond the Architecture of Death: The Shrine of the Shah-i-Zindah in Samarkand” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1991) and Taylor (1999).
(67)
This multi-generational process is traced with regard to two of the most famous Sufi saints of Egypt in H. Hallenberg, Ibrahim al-Dasuqi (1255–1296): A Saint Invented (Helsinki: Finnish Academy of Science and Letters, 2005) and T.E. Homerin, From Arab Poet to Muslim Saint: Ibn al-Farid, His Verse and His Shrine (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994).
(68)
For Indian and Egyptian examples, see Currie (1989) and Hallenberg (2005).
(69)
M. Chodkiewicz, Seal of the Saints: Prophethood and Sainthood in the Doctrine of Ibn ‘Arabī (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 1993) and M. Takeshita, Ibn ‘Arabī’s Theory of the Perfect Man and its Place in the History of Islamic Thought (Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, 1987).
(70)
R. Amitai-Preiss, “Sufis and Shamans: Some Remarks on the Islamization of the Mongols in the Ilkhanate,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42, 1 (1999), pp. 27–46, V.F. Minorsky, “A Mongol Decree of 720/1320 to the Family of Shaykh Zahid,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 16 (1954), pp. 515–527 and L.G. Potter, “Sufis and Sultans in Post-Mongol Iran”, Iranian Studies 27, 1–4 (1994), pp. 77–102.
(71)
S.S. Blair,“Sufi Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Early Fourteenth Century”, Muqarnas 7 (1990), pp. 35–49 and L. Golombek, “The Cult of Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Fourteenth Century,” in D.K. Kouymjian (ed.), Near Eastern Numismatics, Iconography, Epigraphy and History: Studies in Honour of George C. Miles (Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1974).
(72)
E.J. Grube, “Il-Khanid Stucco Decoration: Notes on the Stucco Decoration of Pir-i Bakran,” in G. Scarcia (ed.), Isfahan: Quaderni del Seminario di Iranistica, Uralo-Altaistica e Caucasologia (Venice: La Tipografica, 1981), pp. 88–96.
(73)
Z.A. Desai, “The Major Dargahs of Ahmadabad,” in Troll (1989), C.-P. Haase, “Shrines of Saints and Dynastic Mausolea: Towards a Typology of Funerary Architecture in the Timurid Period,” Cahiers d’Asie Centrale 3-4 (1997) and M.E. Subtelny, “The Cult of ‘Abdullah Ansari under the Timurids,” in A. Giese & J.C. Bürgel (eds), Gott ist Schön und Er Liebt die Schönheit: Festschrift für Annemarie Schimmel (Bern: Peter Lang, 1994).
(74)
F. Çagman & Z. Tanındı, “Manuscript Production at the Kāzarūnī Orders in Safavid Shiraz”, in S.R. Canby (ed.), Safavid Art and Architecture (London: British Museum Press, 2002), p. 44.
(75)
For fuller discussion, see Safi (2006), chapter 5.
(76)
See e.g. D. DeWeese, “Yasavi Ş ayhs in the Timurid Order: Notes on the Social and Political Role of Communal Sufi Affiliations in the 14th and 15th Centuries,” in M. Bernardini (ed.), La Civilità Timuride come Fenomeno Internazionale (Rome: Oriente Moderno, 1996).
(77)
On this overlapping process, see N.S. Green, “Stories of Saints and Sultans: Remembering History at the Sufi Shrines of Aurangabad”, Modern Asian Studies 38, 2 (2004), pp. 419–446.
(78)
N.S. Green, “Blessed Men and Tribal Politics: Notes on Political Culture in the Indo-Afghan World”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49, 3 (2006), pp. 344–360 and Hartmann (1973).
(79)
See M.S. Siddiqi, The Bahmani Sūfīs (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1989), chapter 3 and G. Yazdani, Bidar: Its History and Monuments (London: Oxford University Press, 1947), pp. 114–148.
(80)
A. Karamustafa, “Early Sufism in Eastern Anatolia”, in Lewisohn (1993) and I. Mélikoff, Hadji Bektach, un Mythe et ses Avatars: Genèse et Évolution du Soufisme Populaire en Turquie (Leiden: Brill, 1998). For the counter-argument, see A. Karamustafa, “Origins of Anatolian Sufism”, in A. Yaş ar Ocak (ed.), Sufism and Sufis in Ottoman Society: Sources, Doctrine, Rituals, Turuq, Architecture, Literature and Fine Arts, Modernism (Ankara: Turkish Historical Society, 2005), pp. 67–95.
(81)
R. Foltz, “The Central Asian Naqshbandi Connections of the Mughal Emperors”, Journal of Islamic Studies 7, 2 (1996), pp. 229–239.
(82)
For an Anatolian case study in a slightly later period, see S. Faroqhi, “Agricultural Crisis and the Art of Flute-Playing: The Worldly Affairs of the Mevlevi Dervishes”, Turcica 20 (1988), pp. 43–70.
(83)
R. Islam, Sufism in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim Society (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000), chapter 3.
(84)
Ernst (1992), chapter 10.
(85)
Çagman & Tanındı (2002), p. 44.
(86)
M.P. Connell, “The Nimatullahi Sayyids of Taft: A Study of the Evolution of a Late Medieval Iranian Sufi Tariqah” (unpublished PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2004), pp. 166–170.
(87)
On the links between several generations of Simnani’s family and the Khwarazmian and Mongol elite, see J. Elias, The Throne Carrier of God: The Life and Thought of ‘Alā’ ad-Dawla as-Simnānī (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), chapter 2.
(88)
F. Papan-Matin, Beyond Death: The Mystical Teachings of ‘Ayn al-Quāt al-Hamadhānī (Leiden: Brill, 2010).
(89)
See e.g. S. Digby, “The Sufi Shaykh and the Sultan: A Conflict of Claims to Authority in Medieval India,” Iran 28 (1990), pp. 71–81.
(90)
D. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tükles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), chapters 3 & 4.
(91)
C. Mayeur-Jaouen, “Maîtres, Cheikhs et Ancêtres: Saints du Delta à l’Époque Mamelouke”, in McGregor & Sabra (2006).
(92)
A. Singer, “Ethnic Origins and Tribal History of the Timuri of Khurasan”, Afghan Studies 3-4 (1982), pp. 65–78.
(93)
DeWeese (1994).
(94)
M.F. Köprülü, Influence du Chamanisme Turco-Mongol sur les Ordres Mystiques Musulmans (Istanbul: Imp. Zellitch Freères, 1929) and T. Zarcone, “Interpénétration du Soufisme et du Chamanisme dans l’Aire Turque,” in D. Aigle, B. Brac de la Perrière & J.-P. Chaumeill (eds), La Politique des Esprits: Chamanismes et Religions Universalistes (Nanterre: Société d’Ethnologie, 2000).
(95)
Amitai-Preiss (1999) and Karamustafa (1993).
(96)
R. Jones, “Ten Conversion Myths from Indonesia”, in N. Levtzion (ed.), Conversion to Islam (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1979).
(97)
R. Ensel, Saints and Servants in Southern Morocco (Leiden: Brill, 1999).
(98)
S.H. Askari, Maktub and Malfuz Literature as a Source of Socio-Political History (Patna: Khuda Bakhsh Library, 1976) and M.U. Memon, Ibn Taimīya’s Struggle Against Popular Religion (The Hague: Mouton, 1976).
(99)
B. Shoshan, Popular Culture in Medieval Cairo (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
(100)
For Morocco, India and Palestine respectively, see Cornell (1998), chapter 2, Digby (2004) and Ephrat (2008), chapter 3.
(101)
R.M. Eaton, “Sufi Folk Literature and the Expansion of Indian Islam”, History of Religions 14 (1974), pp. 117–127.
(102)
On Syria and India, see Meri (2002) and H. van Skyhawk, “Nasīruddīn and Ādināth, Nizāmuddīn and Kāniphnāth: Hindu-Muslim Religious Syncretism in the Folk Literature of the Deccan”, in H. Brückner, L. Lutze & A. Malik (eds), Flags of Fame: Studies of South Asian Folk Culture (Delhi: Manohar, 1993).
(103)
Wolper (2003), chapters 3 & 4.
(104)
For an overview of Yezidi history, see P.G. Kreyenbroek, Yezidism: Its Background, Observances, and Textual Tradition (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995).
(105)
R. Ricci, Islam Translated: Literature, Conversion, and the Arabic Cosmopolis of South and Southeast Asia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), p. 167.
(106)
For more discussion of the Sufi lexicon, see N.S. Green, “Idiom, Genre and the Politics of Self-Description on the Peripheries of Persian,” in Green & Searle-Chatterjee (2008).
(107)
Ricci (2011), p. 271.
(108)
J.S. Meisami, Medieval Persian Court Poetry (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).
(109)
For an overall survey up to circa 1500, see J.T.P. de Bruijn, Persian Sufi Poetry: An Introduction to the Mystical Use of Classical Persian Poems (Richmond: Curzon, 1997).
(110)
Dick Davis, “Sufism and Poetry: A Marriage of Convenience?” Edebiyat 10, 2 (1999), pp. 279–292.
(111)
Davis (1999).
(112)
J.T.P. de Bruijn, “The Qalandariyyāt in Persian Mystical Poetry,” in Lewisohn (1992).
(113)
J.T.P. de Bruijn, Of Piety and Poetry: The Interaction of Religion and Literature in the Life and Works of Hakīm Sanā‘ī of Ghazna (Leiden: Brill, 1983).
(114)
On the cosmological models that Sufis borrowed from earlier philosophers, see S.H. Nasr, An Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines: Conceptions of Nature and Methods Used for its Study by the Ikhwān al-Safā, al-Bīrūnī and Ibn Sīnā (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993).
(115)
L. Lewisohn & C. Shackle (eds), ‘Attar and the Persian Sufi Tradition: The Art of Spiritual Flight (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007).
(116)
For fuller discussion, see M. Tourage, Rūmī and the Hermeneutics of Eroticism (Leiden: Brill, 2007), chapter 3 and Appendix 1. On Rumi’s use of folk stories more generally, see M.A. Mills, “Folk Tradition in the Masnavi and the Masnavi in Folk Tradition”, in A. Banani, R. Houanisian & G. Sabegh (eds), Poetry and Mysticism in Islam: The Heritage of Rumi (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
(117)
For a study of Persian texts written the wake of the Mongol invasion in the safety of Anatolia, see W.C. Chittick, Faith and Practice of Islam: Three Thirteenth Century Sufi Texts (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992).
(118)
Najm al-Dīn Rāzī, The Path of God’s Bondsmen from Origin to Return (trans. H. Algar) (Delmar: Caravan Books, 1982).
(119)
Rizvi (1978–1983), vol. 1, chapter 4.
(120)
B.B. Lawrence, Notes From a Distant Flute: The Extant Literature of Pre-Mughal Indian Sufism (Tehran: Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy,1978).
(121)
For one fourteenth century Indian Sufi letter collection, see Sharafuddin Maneri, The Hundred Letters trans. P. Jackson (New York: Paulist Press, 1980).
(122)
On this process, see Green, “Idiom, Genre and the Politics of Self-Description on the Peripheries of Persian”, in Green & Searle-Chatterjee (2008).
(123)
S. Singh et al (ed. & trans.), Hymns of Baba Fareed Shakar Ganj (Lahore: Suchet, 2005). More generally, see C. Shackle, “Early Vernacular Poetry in the Indus Valley: Its Contexts and its Character”, in A.L. Dallapiccola & S.Z.-A. Lallemant (eds), Islam and Indian Regions (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1993), vol. 1.
(124)
P. Machwe, “Amir Khusrau’s Hindi Poetry”, in Anon. (ed.), Amir Khusrau: Memorial Volume (Delhi: Govt. of India, 1975). For the sake of simplicity, I have used the generic term Hindi (“language of India”) to group together the regional vernaculars of Hindwi, Awadhi and Dakhani.
(125)
S.S.K. Hussaini, The Life, Works and Teachings of Khwajah Bandahnawaz Gisudiraz (Gulbarga: Sayyid Muhammad Gisudiraz Research Academy, 1986). For more on early Dakani Urdu, see O. R. Bawa, “The Role of Sufis and Sants [sic] in the Development of Deccani Urdu” (trans. S. Kugle) Journal of Deccan Studies 7, 2 (2009), pp. 69–81.
(126)
N.A. Hines, Maulana Daud’s Candayan: A Critical Study (Delhi: Manohar, 2009).
(127)
For the two most important, see A. Behl, “The Magic Doe: Desire and Narrative in a Hindavi Sufi Romance, circa 1503”, in R.M. Eaton (ed.), India’s Islamic Traditions, 711–1750 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003) and Manjhan, Madhumālatī, trans. A. Behl & S. Weightman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
(128)
M.F. Köprülü, Early Mystics in Turkish Literature (London: Routledge, 2006), chapters 5 & 6.
(129)
T. Halman (ed.), Yunus Emre and his Mystical Poetry (Bloomington: Indiana University Turkish Studies, 1989) and Köprülü (2006), chapter 9.
(130)
A. Karamustafa, “Early Turkish Islamic Literature”, section 10 of article “Turk,” The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 3rd edition (Leiden: Brill, 2007), vol. 10, pp. 715-716.
(131)
Lewis (2000), pp. 239-240. On the Arabic-script Greek poems, see P. Burguière & R. Mantran, “Quelques Vers Grecs du XIIIe Siècle en Caractères Arabes”, Byzantion 22 (1952), pp. 63–80.

الفصل الثالث: الإمبراطوريات والحدود والمجددون (١٤٠٠–١٨٠٠)

(1)
M.U. Menon, Ibn Taimīya’s Struggle against Popular Religion (The Hague: Mouton, 1976).
(2)
For the debate about whether Ibn Taymiyya was a Sufi, see G. Makdisi, “Ibn Taymiyya: A Sufi of the Qādirīya Order,” American Journal of Arabic Studies 1 (1973), pp. 118–129 and F. Meier, “The Cleanest About Predestination: A Bit of Ibn Taymiyya,” in Meier, Essays on Islamic Mysticism and Piety (Leiden: Brill, 1999), note 9, pp. 317-318. Thanks to Ahmet Karamustafa for this reference.
(3)
E. Landau-Tasserson, “The ‘Cyclical Reform’: A Study of the Mujaddid Tradition,” Studia Islamica 70 (1989), pp. 79–117.
(4)
N.S. Green, “Tribe, Diaspora and Sainthood in Afghan History,” Journal of Asian Studies 67, 1 (2008), pp. 171–211.
(5)
For examples, see G. Veinstein (ed.), Syncrétismes et hérésies dans l’orient Seljoukide et Ottoman (XIVe–XVIIIe siècles) (Louvain: Peeters, 2005).
(6)
On Mamluk institutional patronage, see H. Hallenberg, “The Sultan Who Loved Sufis: How Qāytbāy Endowed a Shrine Complex in Dasūq,” Mamluk Studies Review 4 (2000), pp. 147–158.
(7)
N. Clayer, “Des agents du pouvoir ottoman dans les Balkans: Les Helvetis,” Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 66 (1992), pp. 21–30 and B.G. Martin, “A Short History of the Khalwati Order of Dervishes,” in N.R. Keddie (ed.), Scholars, Saints, and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions since 1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972).
(8)
Z. Yürekli, “A Building between the Public and Private Realms of the Ottoman Ruling Elite: The Sufi Convent of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha in Istanbul,” Muqarnas 20 (2003), pp. 159–185.
(9)
E. Geoffroy, Le Soufisme en Egypte et en Syrie sur les derniers Mamelouks et les premiers Ottomans (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1995), pp. 128–135.
(10)
L. Fernandes, “Two Variations on the Same Theme: The Zāwiya of Hasan al-Rūmī, the Takiyya of Ibrāhīm al-Gulšānī,” Annales Islamologiques 21 (1985), pp. 95–111.
(11)
J. Gonnella, Islamische Heiligenverehrung im urbanen Kontext am Beispiel von Aleppo (Syrien) (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1995), pp. 97–112.
(12)
See e.g. N. Clayer, Mystiques, état et société: Les Halvetis dans l’aire balkanique de la fin du XVe sieècle aè nos jours (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994), pp. 113–179 and A. Layish, “Waqfs and Sufi Monasteries in the Ottoman Policy of Colonization: Sultan Selim’s Waqf of 1516 in Favour of Dayr al-Asad,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, 1 (1987), pp. 61–89.
(13)
Layish (1987).
(14)
Faroqhi (1986), pp. 112-113.
(15)
S. Faroqhi, “The Tekke of Haci Bektaş: Social and Economic Activities,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 7, 2 (1976), pp. 183–208.
(16)
F.W. Hasluck, Christianity and Islam under the Sultans (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929) and H.T Norris, Popular Sufism in Eastern Europe: Sufi Brotherhoods and the Dialogue with Christianity and ‘Heterodoxy’ (London: Routledge, 2006).
(17)
Geoffroy (1995), p. 130.
(18)
D. Le Gall, A Culture of Sufism: Naqshbandīs in the Ottoman World, 1450–1700 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), chapter 6. Cf. J.J. Curry, The Transformation of Muslim Mystical Thought in the Ottoman Empire: The Rise of the Halveti Order, 1350–1750 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010).
(19)
Faroqhi (1976) and K. Kreise, “Medresen und Derwischkonvente in Istanbul: Quatitative Aspekten,” in J.-L. Bacqué-Grammont & P. Dumont (eds), Économies et sociétés dans l’Empire ottoman (Paris: CNRS, 1983).
(20)
A. Karamustafa, God’s Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Later Middle Period 1200–1550 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994), chapter 6.
(21)
Le Gall (2005), pp. 167–172.
(22)
D. Terzioğlu, “Sufi and Dissident in the Ottoman Empire: Niyāzī-i Misrī (1618–1694)” (unpublished PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1999).
(23)
Clayer (1994), p. 79.
(24)
Clayer (1994), pp. 113–142 and C. Kafadar, Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 62–90.
(25)
On the Ottoman interpretation of ghaza and its distinction from formal jihad, M.D. Bonner, Jihad in Islamic History: Doctrines and Practice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), pp. 144–149.
(26)
Clayer (1994), p. 121.
(27)
S. Faroqhi, “Seyyid Gazi Revisited: The Foundation as Seen through Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Documents,” in Faroqhi, Peasants, Dervishes and Traders in the Ottoman Empire (London: Variorum Reprints, 1986) and M. Kiel, “Ottoman Urban Development and the Cult of a Heterodox Sufi Saint: Sarı Saltuk Dede and Towns of İsakçe and Babadağ in the Northern Dobruja,” in Veinstein (2005).
(28)
J.K. Birge, The Bektashi Order of Dervishes (London: Luzac Oriental, 1994); S. Faroqhi, Der Bektashi-Orden in Anatolien (vom späten fünfzehnten Jahrhundert bis 1826) (Vienna: Verlag des Instituts für Orientalistik, 1981); A. Karamustafa, “Kalenders, Abdals, Hayderis: The Formation of the Bektasiye in the Sixteenth Century,” in H. Inalcik & C. Kafadar (eds), Süleyman the Second and his Time (Istanbul: Isis Press, 1993); and A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (eds), Bektachiyya: études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach (Istanbul: Les Editions Isis, 1995).
(29)
I. Mélikoff, Hadji Bektach: Un mythe et ses avatars (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1998).
(30)
I. Mélikoff, “Qui était Sari Saltuk? Quelques remarques sur les manuscrits du Saltukname,” in C. Heywood & C. Imber (eds), Studies in Ottoman History in Honour of Professor V. L. Ménage (Istanbul: Isis Press, 1994). Thanks to Ahmet Karamustafa for pointing me to the agriculturalist dimension.
(31)
Mélikoff (1998), pp. 145–161.
(32)
Faroqhi (1976), p. 206.
(33)
M. Balivet, Islam mystique et révolution armée dans les Balkans Ottomans: Vie du cheikh Bedreddin, le “Hallâj des Turcs,” 1358/59–1416 (Istanbul: Isis Press, 1995).
(34)
Karamustafa (1994), p. 70.
(35)
M.M. Mazzaoui, The Origins of the Safawids: Šī‘ism, Sūfism, and the Gulāt (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1972), chapter 4.
(36)
V. Minorsky, “The Poetry of Shah Isma‘il,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 10, 4 (1942).
(37)
M. Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973 [1924]) and E.H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957).
(38)
The objection is raised by Julian Baldick, in Mystical Islam (London: I.B. Tauris, 1989), p. 124.
(39)
S. Bashir, “Shah Isma‘il and the Qizilbash: Cannibalism in the Religious History of Early Safavid Iran,” History of Religions 45, 3 (2006), pp. 234–256.
(40)
Bashir (2006), p. 240.
(41)
I. Beldiceanu-Steinherr, “La Règne de Selîm 1er: Tournant dans la vie politique et religieuse de l’empire Ottoman,” Turcica 6 (1975), pp. 34–48 and G. Veinstein, “Les premières mesures de Bâyezîd II contre les kizilbaş,” in Veinstein (2005).
(42)
S.A. Arjomand, “Religious Extremism (Ghuluww), Sufism and Sunnism in Safavid Iran, 1501–1722,” Journal of Asian History 15, 1 (1981), pp. 1–35 and K. Babayan, “The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi‘ism,” Iranian Studies 27, 1–4 (1994), pp. 135–161.
(43)
Arjomand (1981), p.7 and Bashir (2006), p. 249.
(44)
R. Foltz, “The Central Asian Naqshbandiyya Connections of the Mughal Emperors,” Journal of Islamic Studies 7, 2 (1996), pp. 229–239.
(45)
W.M. Thackston (trans.), The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor (Washington, D.C.: Freer Gallery of Art, 1996), p. 327.
(46)
S. Digby, “Dreams and Reminiscences of Dattu Sarvani, a Sixteenth Century Indo-Afghan Soldier,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 2 (1965), pp. 178–194 and N.S. Green, “Blessed Men and Tribal Politics: Notes on Political Culture in the Indo-Afghan World,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49, 3 (2006), pp. 344–360.
(47)
Abū’l Fazl, Ā’īn Akbarī, ed. H. Blochmann, 2 vols (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1875), vol. 2, pp. 207–225.
(48)
A. Husain, “The Family of Shaikh Salim Chishti during the Reign of Jehangir,” in K.A. Nizami (ed.), Medieval India: A Miscellany, vol. 2 (Delhi: Asia Publishing House, 1972).
(49)
K. Rizvi, “‘Its Mortar Mixed with the Sweetness of Life’: Architecture and Ceremonial at the Shrine of Safī al-dīn Ishāq Ardabīlī during the Reign of Shāh Tahmāsb I,” Muslim World 90, 3-4 (2000), pp. 323–352 and A. Petruccioli, “The Geometry of Power: The City’s Planning,” in M. Brand & G.D. Lowry (eds), Fatehpur Sikri (Bombay: Marg Publications, 1987).
(50)
I.A. Khan, “The Nobility under Akbar and the Development of his Religious Policy, 1560–80,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1, 2 (1968), pp. 29–36.
(51)
P. Hardy,“AbulFazl’s Portrait of the Perfect Padshah: A Political Philosophy for Mughal India–Or a Personal Puff for a Pal?” in C.W. Troll (ed.), Islam in India: Studies and Commentaries, vol. 2 (Delhi: Vikas, 1985) and J.F. Richards, “The Formulation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir,” in idem. (ed.), Kingship and Authority in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988).
(52)
C.G. Lingwood, “Jami’s Salaman va Absal: Political Statements and Mystical Advice Addressed to the Aq Qoyunlu Court of Sultan Ya‘qub (d. 896/1490),” Iranian Studies 44, 2 (2011), pp. 175–191.
(53)
A.H. Morton, “The Chúb-i Tariq and Qizilbásh Ritual in Safavid Persia,” in J. Calmard (ed.), Études Safavides (Paris-Teheran: Institut Français de Recherche en Iran, 1993).
(54)
S.A.A. Rizvi, Shāh Walī Allāh and his Times: A Study of Eighteenth Century Islam, Politics and Society in India (Canberra, Maèrifat Publishing House, 1980), p. 80.
(55)
M. Alam & S. Subrahmanyam, “Frank Disputations: Catholics and Muslims in the Court of Jahangir (1608–11),” Indian Economic and Social History Review 46, 4 (2009), pp. 457–511.
(56)
Alam & Subrahmanyam (2009), pp. 476, 487.
(57)
J.J.L. Gommans, The Rise of the Indo-Afghan Empire, c. 1710–1780 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 131-132.
(58)
S. Andreyev, “The Rawshaniyya: A Sufi Movement on the Mughal Tribal Periphery,” in L. Lewisohn & D. Morgan (eds), The Heritage of Sufism: Late Classical Persianate Sufism (1501–1750), vol. 3 (Oxford: Oneworld, 1999).
(59)
M. Alam, “The Mughals, the Sufi Shaikhs and the Formation of the Akbari Dispensation,” Modern Asian Studies 43, 1 (2009), pp. 135–174.
(60)
N.S. Green, Indian Sufism since the Seventeenth Century: Saints, Books and Empires in the Muslim Deccan (London: Routledge, 2006), chapter 1.
(61)
M. Alam, “Assimilation from a Distance: Confrontation and Sufi Accommodation in Awadh Society,” in R. Champakalakshmi & S. Gopal (eds), Tradition, Dissent and Ideology: Essays in Honour of Romila Thapar (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996) and H. van Skyhawk, “Nasīruddīn and Ādināth, Nizāmuddīn and Kāniphnāth: Hindu-Muslim Religious Syncretism in the Folk Literature of the Deccan,” in H. Brückner, L. Lutze & A. Malik (eds), Flags of Fame: Studies of South Asian Folk Culture (Delhi: Manohar, 1993).
(62)
M. Alam, Languages of Political Islam (London: Hurst, 2004), chapter 3.
(63)
M. Alam, “The Pursuit of Persian: Languages in Mughal Politics,” Modern Asian Studies 32, 2 (1998), pp. 317–349 and Green (2008).
(64)
T. Kamran, “Some Prominent Strands in the Poetry of Sultan Bahu,” in S. Singh & I.D. Gaur (eds), Sufism in Punjab: Mystics, Literature and Shrines (Delhi: Aakar Books, 2009), C. Shackle, “Styles and Themes in the Siraiki Mystical Poetry of Sind,” in H. Khuhro (ed.), Sind through the Centuries (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1981) and T.K. Stewart, “In Search of Equivalence: Conceiving the Muslim-Hindu Encounter through Translation Theory,” History of Religions 40, 3 (2001), pp. 260–287.
(65)
Cf. W. Feldman, “Mysticism, Didacticism and Authority in the Liturgical Poetry of the Halvetī Dervishes of Istanbul,” Edebiyât 4, 2 (1993) and D. Gilmartin, “Shrines, Succession and Sources of Moral Authority,” in Metcalf (1984).
(66)
S. Digby, “Before Timur Came: Provincialization of the Delhi Sultanate through the Fourteenth Century,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, 3 (2004), pp. 298–356.
(67)
R.M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), chapter 9.
(68)
D. Cashin, The Ocean of Love: Middle Bengali Sufi Literature and the Fakirs of Bengal (Stockholm: Association of Oriental Studies, Stockholm University, 1995) and T.K. Stewart, “Alternate Structures of Authority: Satya Pīr on the Frontiers of Bengal,” in D. Gilmartin & B.B. Lawrence (eds), Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia (Gainsville: University of Florida Press, 2000).
(69)
M.S. Siddiqi, “The Ethnic Change at Bidar and its Influence (AD 1422–1538),” in A.R. Kulkarni, M.A. Nayeem & T.R. de Souza (eds), Mediaeval Deccan History: Commemoration Volume in Honour of Purshottam Mahadeo Joshi (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1996), pp. 41–43.
(70)
N. Ahmad, “An Old Persian Treatise of the Bahmani Period,” Islamic Culture 46, 3 (1972), pp. 215-216.
(71)
Ahmad (1972), p. 210, Persian text only.
(72)
R.M. Eaton, “The Court and the Dargāh in the Seventeenth Century Deccan,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 10, 1 (1973), pp. 50–63.
(73)
Eaton (1973), p. 52.
(74)
Kenneth R. Hall, “Upstream and Downstream Unification in Southeast Asia’s First Islamic Polity: The Changing Sense of Community in the Fifteenth Century ‘Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai’ Court Chronicle,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44 (2001), pp.198–229; see especially pp. 203 and 208-209.
(75)
R.M. Feener & M.F. Laffan, “Sufi Scents across the Indian Ocean: Yemeni Hagiography and the Earliest History of Southeast Asian Islam,” Archipel 70 (2005).
(76)
Note that the medieval Arabic toponym Jawa referred to the Southeast Asian archipelago more generally rather than the island known in modern times as Java. See M.F. Laffan, “Finding Java: Muslim Nomenclature of Insular Southeast Asia from Śrîvijaya to Snouck Hurgronje,” in E. Tagliacozzo (ed.), Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Islam, Movement, and the Longue Durée (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009).
(77)
R. Jones, “Ten Conversion Myths from Indonesia,” in N. Levtzion (ed.), Conversion to Islam (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979).
(78)
M.C. Ricklefs, Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries (Norwalk: EastBridge, 2006), pp.21–25.
(79)
A.H. Johns, “Islamization in Southeast Asia: Reflections and Reconsiderations with Special Reference to the Role of Sufism,” Southeast Asian Studies 31, 1 (1993), pp. 43–61.
(80)
For variant evidence on Fansuri’s biography and death date, see V.I. Braginsky, “Towards the Biography of Hamzah Fansuri: When Did Hamzah Live? Data from his Poems and Early European Accounts,” Archipel 57, 2 (1999), pp. 135–175 and C. Guillot & L. Kalus, “La stèle funéraire de Hamzah Fansuri,” Archipel 60 (2000). On Fansuri’s travels in their larger regional context, see P.G. Riddell, Islam and the Malay-Indonesian World: Transmission and Responses (London: C. Hurst & Co., 2001).
(81)
Guillot & Kalus (2000).
(82)
Guillot & Kalus (2000), pp. 18-19.
(83)
S.M.N Al-Attas, The Mysticism of amzah Fanūrī (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970).
(84)
On Fansuri’s language, see Al-Attas (1970), pp. 142–175.
(85)
J. Paul, “Forming a Faction: The Himāyat System of Khwaja Ahrar,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, 4 (1991), pp. 533–548. For fuller exploration of the socio-political entrenchment of the brotherhood, see Paul, Die Politische und Soziale Bedeutung der Naqs andiyya in Mittelasien im 15. Jahrhundert (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1991).
(86)
M. Subtelny, Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Leiden: Brill, 2007), chapter 6.
(87)
Paul (1991), p. 541.
(88)
J. Gross, “Authority and Miraculous Behavior: Reflections on Karāmāt Stories of Khwāja ‘Ubaydullāh Ahrār,” in L. Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Sufism: The Legacy of Medieval Persian Sufism (1150–1500), vol. 2 (New York: Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications, 1992).
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Papas (2005), p. 144 and more generally chapter 3.
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T. Zarcone, “Le Mathnavî de Rûmî au Turkestan Oriental et au Xinjiang,” in V. Bouillier & C. Servan-Schreiber (eds), De l’Arabie à l’Himalaya: Chemins croisés en hommage à Marc Gaborieau (Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2004).
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S. Murata, Chinese Gleams of Sufi Light: Wang Tai-y ’s Great Learning of the Pure and Real and Liu Chih’s Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000), chapter 2.
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Murata (2000), p. 26.
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S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, 2 vols (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978 & 1983), vol. 1, pp. 359–362 and R. Vassie, “‘Abd al-Rahman Chishtī and the Bhagavadgita: ‘Unity of Religion’ Theory in Practice,” in Lewisohn (1992).
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Y. Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindī: An Outline of his Thought and a Study of his Image in the Eyes of Posterity (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000).
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I. Sabir, “Khwaja Mohammad Hashim Kishmi: A Famous Seventeenth Century Naqshbandi Sufi of Burhanpur,” in M. Haidar (ed.), Sufis, Sultans, and Feudal Orders: Professor Nurul Hasan Commemoration Volume (Delhi: Manohar, 2004).
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K.A. Nizami, “Naqshbandi Influence on Mughal Rulers and Politics,” Islamic Culture 39, 1 (1965), pp. 41–52. Cf. Y. Friedmann, “The Naqshbandīs and Awrangzēb: A Reconsideration,” in M. Gaborieau, A. Popovic & T. Zarcone (eds), Naqshbandis: Cheminements et situation actuelle d’un ordre mystique musulman (Istanbul: Isis Press, 1990).
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Friedmann (2000), pp. 94-95.
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S. Chandra, “The Religious Policy of Aurangzeb during the Later Part of his Reign – Some Considerations,” Indian Historical Review 13, 1-2, (1986-87), pp. 88–101.
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S.A.A. Rizvi, A Socio-intellectual History of the Isnā‘ Asharī Shī‘īs in India, 2 vols (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1986), vol. 2, p. 33.
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Friedmann (2000), pp. 73-74.
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N. Katz, “The Identity of a Mystic: The Case of Sa‘id Sarmad, a Jewish-Yogi-Sufi Courtier of the Mughals,” Numen 47 (2000), pp. 142–160.
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Green (2006), chapter 3 and Rizvi (1980), chapter 7.
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J.M.S. Baljon, “Shah Waliullah and the Dargah,” in C.W. Troll (ed.), Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989).
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M.K. Hermansen, “Contemplating Sacred History in Late Mughal Sufism: The Case of Shāh Walī Allāh of Delhi,” in Lewisohn & Morgan (1999).
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T. Gibson, Islamic Narrative and Authority in Southeast Asia: From the 16th to the 21st Century (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 41-42.
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Gibson (2007), p. 42.
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A. Azra, “Opposition to Sufism in the East Indies in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in De Jong & Radtke (1999), p. 676.
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Johns (1993), pp. 53–58.
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الفصل الرابع: من الاستعمار إلى العولمة (١٨٠٠–٢٠٠٠)

(1)
For the sake of clarity, I have used the more familiar modern names for these countries and other colonized regions discussed in this chapter.
(2)
C.W. Ernst, Sufism (Boston: Shambhala, 1997), pp. 8–18.
(3)
F. Jahanpour, “Western Encounters with Persian Sufi Literature,” in L. Lewisohn & D. Morgan (eds), The Heritage of Sufism: Late Classical Persianate Sufism (1501–1750), vol. 3 (Oxford: Oneworld, 1999).
(4)
On the development of these pejoratives and stereotypes, see K.P. Ewing, Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psychoanalysis and Islam (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), chapter 2, A. Knysh, “Sufism as an Explanatory Paradigm: The Issue of the Motivations of Sufi Movements in Russian and Western Historiography,” Die Welt des Islams 42, 2 (2002), pp. 139–173 and G.R. Trumbull, An Empire of Facts: Colonial Power, Cultural Knowledge, and Islam in Algeria, 1870–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), chapter 3.
(5)
For overviews, see de Jong & Radtke (1999) and E. Sirriyeh, Sufis and Anti-Sufis: The Defence, Rethinking and Rejection of Sufism in the Modern World (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1999).
(6)
R.S. O’Fahey, “‘Small World’: Neo-Sufi Interconnexions between the Maghrib, the Hijaz and Southeast Asia,” in S.S. Reese (ed.), The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa (Leiden: Brill, 2004) and M.C. Ricklefs, “The Middle East Connection and Reform and Revival Movements among the Putihan in 19th-Century Java,” in E. Tagliacozzo (ed.), Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Islam, Movement, and the Longue Durée (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009).
(7)
A.K. Bang, Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860–1925 (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003); Reese (2008).
(8)
U. Sanyal, Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and his Movement, 1870–1920 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996).
(9)
J.M. Abun-Nasr, Muslim Communities of Grace: The Sufi Brotherhoods in Islamic Religious Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), chapter 8.
(10)
M. Gaborieau, “The ‘Forgotten Obligation: A Reinterpretation of Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi’s Jihad in the North-West-Frontier, 1826–1831,” in J. Assayag (ed.), The Resources of History: Tradition, Narration and Nation in South Asia (Paris/Pondichéry: École Française d’Extrême Orient, 1999) and H.O. Pearson, Islamic Reform and Revival in Nineteenth-Century India: The Tarīqah-i-Muhammadīyah (Delhi: Yoda Press, 2008).
(11)
Pearson (2008), pp. 38–40, 82–87.
(12)
Pearson (2008), p. 82.
(13)
S.A. Kugle, “The Heart of Ritual is the Body: Anatomy of an Islamic Devotional Manual of the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Ritual Studies 17, 1 (2003), pp. 42–60.
(14)
S.A.A. Rizvi, Shah ‘Abd al-‘Aziz: Puritanism, Sectarian, Polemics and Jihad (Canberra: Ma‘rifat Publishing House, 1982).
(15)
B. Ingram, “Sufis, Scholars and Scapegoats: Rashid Ahmad Gangohi (d.1905) and the Deobandi Critique of Sufism,” Muslim World 99 (2009), pp. 478–501 and B.D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).
(16)
A. Warren, Waziristan, the Faqir of Ipi, and the Indian Army: the North West Frontier Revolt of 1936-37 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
(17)
N.S. Green, “Breathing in India, c.1890,” Modern Asian Studies 42, 2-3 (2008), pp. 283–315.
(18)
On such Hindu patronage, see S. Gordon, “Maratha Patronage of Muslim Institutions in Burhanpur and Khandesh,” in D. Gilmartin & B.B. Lawrence (eds), Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia (Gainsville: University of Florida Press, 2000).
(19)
F. Robinson, “‘Ulama, Sufis and Colonial Rule in North India and Indonesia,” in Robinson, The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahal and Islamic Culture in South Asia (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2001), p. 191.
(20)
S.F.D. Ansari, Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843–1947 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) and D. Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), chapter 2.
(21)
N.S. Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India: Sepoy Religion in the Service of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
(22)
N.S. Green, Indian Sufism since the Seventeenth Century: Saints, Books and Empires in the Muslim Deccan (London: Routledge, 2006).
(23)
Cited in Green (2006), p. 110.
(24)
U. Stark, An Empire of Books: The Naval Kishore Press and the Diffusion of the Printed Word in Colonial India (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2007).
(25)
C. W. Ernst, “Ideological and Technological Transformations of Contemporary Sufism,” in M. Cooke & B.B. Lawrence (eds), Muslim Networks: From Hajj to Hip-hop (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), p. 234.
(26)
On the rise of the doctrine, see A.F. Buehler, Sufi Heirs of the Prophet: The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1998), pp. 134–138.
(27)
R.B. Qureshi, “‘Muslim Devotional’: Popular Religious Music and Muslim Identity under British, Indian and Pakistani Hegemony,” Asian Music, 24, 1 (1992-1993).
(28)
D.A.S. Graham, “Spreading the Wisdom of Sufism: The Career of Pir-o-Murshid Inayat Khan in the West,” in P.Z.I. Khan (ed.), A Peal in Wine: Essays on the Life, Music, and Sufism of Hazrat Inayat Khan (New Lebanon: Omega Publications, 2001).
(29)
N.S. Green, Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the West Indian Ocean, 1840–1915 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
(30)
N.S. Green, “Islam for the Indentured Indian: A Muslim Missionary in Colonial South Africa,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, 3 (2008), pp. 529–553 and T. Tschacher, “From Local Practice to Transnational Network: Saints, Shrines and Sufis among Tamil Muslims in Singapore,” Asian Journal of Social Science 34, 2 (2006), pp. 225–242.
(31)
B.G. Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth-Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), chapter 7.
(32)
On the rivalry, see S.S. Samatar, “Sheikh Uways Muhammad of Baraawe, 1847–1909: Mystic and Reformer in East Africa,” in Samatar, In the Shadows of Conquest: Islam in Colonial Northeast Africa (Trenton: The Red Sea Press, 1992), pp. 54–62.
(33)
B.G. Martin, “Muslim Politics and Resistance to Colonial Rule: Shaykh Uways b. Muhammad al-Barāwī and the Qādirīya Brotherhood in East Africa,” Journal of African History 10, 3 (1969), pp. 471–486. On more cooperative Sufis in German Africa, see A.H. Nimtz, Islam and Politics in East Africa: The Sufi Order in Tanzania (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), chapter 8.
(34)
S.S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mahammad Abdille Hasan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).
(35)
S.S. Reese, Renewers of the Age: Holy Men and Social Discourse in Colonial Benaadir (Leiden: Brill, 2008), chapter 4.
(36)
F. de Jong, Turuq and Turuq-Linked Institutions in Nineteenth Century Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1978), chapter 1.
(37)
F. de Jong, “The Sufi Orders in Egypt during the ‘Urabi Insurrection and the British Occupation (1882–1914),” in de Jong, Sufi Orders in Ottoman and Post-Ottoman Egypt and the Middle East (Istanbul: Isis Press, 2000), p. 147.
(38)
E. H. Waugh, Visionaries of Silence: The Reformist Sufi Order of the Demirdashiya al-Khalwatiya in Cairo (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2008), chapter 4.
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R.S. O’Fahey, “Sufism in Suspense: The Sudanese Mahdi and the Sufis,” in F. de Jong & B. Radtke (eds), Islamic Mysticism Contested. 13 Centuries of Controversies and Polemics (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1999) and J. Voll, “Mahdis, Walis and New Men in the Sudan,” in N.R. Keddie (ed.), Scholars, Saints and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East since 1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972).
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M.S. Umar, “The Tijaniyya and British Colonial Authorities in Northern Nigeria,” in J.-L. Triaud & D. Robinson (eds), La Tijâniyya: Une confrérie musulmane à la conquête de l’Afrique (Paris: Karthala, 2000), pp. 330-331.
(41)
Umar (2000), pp. 349–351.
(42)
R. Seeseman & B.F. Soares, “Being as Good Muslims as Frenchmen: On Marabouts, Colonial Modernity and the Islamic Sphere in French West Africa,” Journal of Religion in Africa 39 (2009), pp. 91–120.
(43)
Martin (1976), chapter 2.
(44)
‘Abd al-Qādir ibn Muhyī al-Din al-Ğazā’irī, Le Livre des Haltes: Kitab al-Mawaqif, trans. M. Lagarde, 3 vols (Leiden: Brill, 2000).
(45)
David Commins, “‘Abd al-Qādir al-Jazā’irī and Islamic Reform,” Muslim World 78, 2 (1988), pp. 121–131 and I. Weismann, “Between Sufi Reformism and Modernist Rationalism: A Reappraisal of the Origins of the Salafiyya from the Damascene Angle,” Die Welt des Islams 41, 2 (2001a), pp. 206–237.
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S. Bazzaz, Forgotten Saints: History, Power, and Politics in the Making of Modern Morocco (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010).
(47)
Bazzaz (2010), pp. 93-94, 124.
(48)
Bazzaz (2010), pp. 155-156.
(49)
J.A. Clancy-Smith, Rebel and Saint: Muslim Notables, Populist Protest, Colonial Encounters (Algeria and Tunisia, 1800-1904) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), chapter 7.
(50)
Clancy-Smith (1994), pp. 231–249.
(51)
M.J. Sedgwick, Against the Modern World: Traditionalism and the Secret Intellectual History of the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), chapters 3 & 4.
(52)
Sedgwick (2004), pp. 61-62.
(53)
C.A. Babou, Fighting the Greater Jihad: Amadu Bamba and the Founding of the Muridiyya of Senegal, 1853–1913 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2007) and J. Glover, Sufism and Jihad in Modern Senegal: The Murid Order (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2007).
(54)
On the local colonial bureaucratic politics involved, see Babou (2007), pp. 121–129.
(55)
Babou (2007), pp. 136–139.
(56)
On the period of imprisonment, see Babou (2007), chapter 5 & 6. Cf. N.S. Green, “The Faqir and the Subalterns: Mapping the Holy Man in Colonial South Asia,” Journal of Asian History 41, 1 (2007), pp. 57–84.
(57)
J.F. Searing, “God Alone is King”: Islam and Emancipation in Senegal: The Wolof Kingdoms of Kajoor and Bawol, 1859–1914 (Oxford: James Currey, 2002), chapter 6. The role of peanut cultivation is played down in Babou (2007).
(58)
Searing (2002).
(59)
M. Gammer, “Shamil and the Muslim Powers: The Ottomans, the Qajars and Muhammad Ali of Egypt,” in R. Motika & M. Orsinus (eds), Caucasia between the Ottoman Empire and Iran, 1555–1914 (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 2000).
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M. Kemper, Herrschaft, Recht und Islam in Daghestan: von den Khanaten und Gemeindebünden zum ğihād-Staat (Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2005), chapter 6 and A. Zelkina, In Quest for God and Freedom: The Sufi Response to the Russian Advance in the North Caucasus (London: Hurst & Co., 2000), chapter 18.
(61)
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