الملاحظات

الفصل الأول: مقدمة

(1)
It is, of course, important to remember that much of the world, and indeed many in the United States, do not share this life experience. Yet, even then, the lack of access to the full panoply of media is understood as an impediment to full participation in society, whether local, national, or global.
(2)
Our discussion of the hurricane of 1928 is drawn from the wonderful book by Eliot Kleinberg, The Black Cloud: The Great Florida Hurricane of 1928 (New York: Carroll & Graf, 2003).
(3)
The wisdom and fairness of these evacuation plans comprise, of course, a very different issue. As we note below, they failed to take into account the very different access to transportation of the average middle-class car owner and poorer inner-city residents without private means of transport.
(4)
Even then, the differences between 2005 and 1928 are stark. President Calvin Coolidge’s response, in the absence of federal agencies like the Federal Emergency Management Administration (FEMA), was to call for citizens to make contributions to the Red Cross and other voluntary organizations.
(5)
We provide an extended discussion of media events in chapter 3.
(6)
This echoes the argument of the great sociologist Max Weber, who observed that modern society—what he called “rational-legal society”—transforms wants into needs. That is, as the mass production of a wide variety of goods and services addresses the wants of mass markets, society itself becomes organized on the assumption that everyone will have these goods and services. To that extent, they are no longer wants, but needs.
(7)
It is important to note that much else was changing besides forms of communication during this period. For example, as historians and social scientists have long noted, in the United States, from the middle of the nineteenth century onward, the development of industrial capitalism, modern transportation systems, immigration, and the like transformed a predominantly rural society into a predominantly urban one. However, in a brief book like this, we are more interested in highlighting the dramatic role that changes in the dominant forms of media had in this transformation.
(8)
As we shall see, there is much debate over whether and in what sense, as media scholar Elihu Katz put it, “Television is over,” and has been superseded by a fundamentally different “Age of the Internet.”
(9)
A sound bite is defined as the length of uninterrupted speech allowed to a person.
(10)
Matthew Brady’s famous Civil War photographs, first publicized in 1862, ushered in new expectations that this new medium could provide us direct and, paradoxically, unmediated access to reality. Yet, it turns out that many of the shots of the dead on the battlefield were actually carefully posed by the photographers. So, while it was assumed that pictures couldn’t lie, these pictures did – a paradox that remains with us to this day as we attempt to unpack what is real and what is not in the representations we daily confront on television, in newspapers, and elsewhere.
(11)
For a more detailed treatment of the relationship between these broader shifts and changing communication technologies, see Williams and Delli Carpini (forthcoming, chap. 3), on which the rest of this chapter is largely based.
(12)
Figures are from Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1999 (Bureau of the Census 1999) and TV Dimensions 2004 (Media Dynamics, 2004). Internet statistics from WebSiteOptimization.com (n.d.).
(13)
Percentages total more than 100 percent because survey respondents could be regular viewers of more than one news source.
(14)
One need only consider the advertisements that aired during the first commercial break of the CBS Evening News on June 14, 2001, to conclude that news is a genre that increasingly appeals only to older Americans: Zantac 75 heartburn relief medication, air freshener, Viagra, Caltrate (a calcium supplement that “helps reduce colon polyps and osteoporosis”), Centrum vitamin supplement for heart disease, and an ad for the Mitsubishi Gallant that had as its theme a song with the lyrics, “I wish I knew what I know now when I was young.”
(15)
All audience figures are from Nielson Media Research (n.d.).
(16)
As of August 2005, Yahoo (2005) indexed 19.2 billion Web pages.
(17)
These networks span the political spectrum from Moveon.com on the left to the conservative FreeRepublic.com on the right.
(18)
Consider, for instance, that Google bought YouTube for $1.65 billion. The deep pockets of Google have meant a crackdown on the posting of copyrighted and/or libelous videos.

الفصل الثاني: ملكية بيئة الإعلام الجديدة والسيطرة عليها

(1)
Somewhat ironically, Cass Sunstein in republic.com (2007) argues that new media, by allowing us to specifically tailor our preferences on home pages and other information outlets, leads to a potentially significant reduction in this sort of serendipity. Yet, our example shows the potential for increasing such encounters with unsought information at least in the context of Internet searches. As Sunstein argues, however, the degree to which new media technologies actually produce serendipitous outcomes depends on the rules used by Web page creators and Internet search engines.
(2)
This site is no longer active and simply links to a site called “June 4”—the date of the 1989 massacre—which now provides links to a set of unrelated sponsored websites, including tourism in China and help in buying a car.
(3)
For instance, in October 2007, the leftist website Truthout.org complained that a number of e-mail services, including Microsoft, AOL, and Yahoo, refused to pass on its e-mail alerts to those on its mailing list.
(4)
Twitter is “a social networking and micro-blogging service that allows its users to send and read other users’ updates (known as tweets), which are text-based posts of up to 140 characters in length.” See Wikipedia (n.d.-b).
(5)
Another example is provided by the invention of the phonograph. Thomas Edison originally thought this device would be used (primarily by businesspeople) to both record and play recordings, thus leading to a dramatic decentralization of access to producing as well as consuming recordings. That this was not the way things worked out was a result of marketing decisions having little to do with any inherent tendencies in the technology (Gitelman 2006).
(6)
This dynamic is not limited to media. In the debate over health care, for example, many opponents of reform assumed (without much consideration of alternative government-run systems, like in Canada or the United Kingdom) that a privately owned and controlled for-profit system was the best model.
(7)
Recent surveys of the British public reveal that 70 percent of BBC viewers say they trust it, in general, and 79 percent say they trust its news broadcasts. About three-fifths say they trust commercial news broadcasts. In contrast, recent Pew surveys find that 32 percent of Americans surveyed trust CNN and 25 percent trust Fox News. Newer research comparing a number of public service systems with commercial systems (like the United States) suggests that citizens in the former systems are more active seekers of news and better informed than those in the latter (Curran et al. 2009).
(8)
The first network to use packets of information was called ARPANET (Advanced Research Projects Agency Network) and was funded by the US Department of Defense.
(9)
And, as we discuss below, almost all Americans are now served by a single daily paper.
(10)
What this might mean for where Americans actually get their information is less clear. The decline in readership of print newspapers shows no sign of abating. Circulation of all American newspapers fell by almost 5 percent between 2007 and 2008, bringing the overall decline since 2001 to 13.5 percent for daily papers and 17.3 percent for Sunday papers. We note, however, that consistent with Compaine’s argument about substitutability, while print circulation was down, the number of visitors to newspaper websites increased by 8.4 percent in 2009, making up for most of that year’s decline in print circulation (Project for Excellence in Journalism 2009).
(11)
Even this understates concentration, as Time Warner has revenues larger than Hearst and Advance combined.
(12)
Note the shift in independent movie production as major studios create their own “boutique” production companies.
(13)
In this context, it is worth noting that even the largest media corporation, Time Warner, ranks “only” 51st in size amongst global corporations (Walmart, Citigroup, and Forbes are the top three); see Baker (2007: 18 n. 28).
(14)
It is quite difficult, perhaps impossible, to get an accurate figure on the penetration of telephones (land lines and mobile). Since the late 1990s, the claim has been repeated that one half of the people in the world have never made or received a phone call; the claim has been made by figures as diverse as Kofi Annan, Al Gore, Michael Moore, Bill Gates, and Newt Gingrich. However, given the rapid expansion of both land lines and cellular service, especially in the developing world, more conservative estimates place the figure at around one third (see Shirky 2002).
(15)
Such overly theorized arguments about the degree to which we live in a media-saturated or even virtual world can be interpreted as implying (“perversely” and “unseriously,” as Sontag [2003] notes) that real suffering does not occur.
(16)
Gattuso goes even further, taking the approach of Compaine and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), which we discussed and rejected above, to deny that media concentration is even occurring:
Critics, however, point out that the existence of many outlets doesn’t necessarily mean more owners. NBC, MSNBC, and msnbc.com are clearly not independent from each other. Media firms today tend to own many outlets – putting broadcast, cable, print and even Internet outlets under the same roof. But despite this expansion of media holdings, ownership concentration has not increased. A study released by the Federal Communications Commission last fall found the number of separately owned media outlets (including broadcast, cable and newspaper outlets) skyrocketed in most cities between 1960 and 2000—growing more than 90 percent in New York, for instance. (2003)
However, his argument about the diversity in outlets, along with the assumption of responsiveness to consumer demand that is noted by Graber below, makes this (unwarranted, in our view) assertion unnecessary to his basic argument.
(17)
Classical economist Adam Smith’s “invisible hand theory” states that:
if each consumer is allowed to choose freely what to buy and each producer is allowed to choose freely what to sell and how to produce it, the market will settle on a product distribution and prices that are beneficial to all the individual members of a community, and hence to the community as a whole. (Wikipedia n.d.-a)
(18)
By “market outcome,” we mean that media content will actually be determined by the preferences of the audience, as would be the case if there were a large number of independent providers of content.
(19)
And, even though the Berlusconi case may be extreme, Stille notes that “what Berlusconi has done … bears a striking resemblance to the American right’s attack on mainstream media: both undermine the idea of objective facts” (2006).
(20)
A survey after the 2008 election by the Pew Foundation found, “One-third (33%) of online news consumers say they typically seek out online political information from sites that share their political point of view, up from the 26% who said that at a similar point in 2004” (Rainie and Smith 2008).

الفصل الثالث: وسائل الإعلام والديمقراطية

(1)
We shall return to this important impact of television news coverage on public opinion, (i.e., the ability to set the agenda) later in the chapter.
(2)
Howard Kurtz, the media critic for The Washington Post, attributed the intensified scrutiny of the press to the SNL skit in his appearance on The Colbert Report.
(3)
For a wonderful treatment of Callender, see New York Times columnist William Safire’s historical novel Scandalmonger (2000).
(4)
For an excellent overview of the assumptions of this approach and their limited current application, see Schudson (1998).
(5)
This section draws heavily from Williams (2004).
(6)
Dewey actually worked, early in his career, on a newspaper devoted to providing its readers with the most important findings of academic social scientists (see Ryan 1997).
(7)
For example, compared with print media where one knows how many issues of a newspaper or magazine are sold, it was initially difficult to even conceptualize, let alone measure, the radio audience. Once you send the signal over the air, how do you figure out who is listening or why? In the early days of radio in the 1920s, radio executives thought that the main reason folks listened to one show rather than another was simply signal strength and not interest in a particular type of programming. It was only after much study of actual radio listeners that the industry discovered that people searched for shows they were interested in.
(8)
Interestingly enough, Patterson (1993) argues that what leads to the dominance of the horse race frame is the long length of campaigns and the boredom of journalists at covering the same stump speech day after day. Given carefully limited and controlled access to the candidate him or herself, journalists rely on campaign advisors as sources, who not surprisingly also obsess about the strategies of the campaigns. Given the seemingly endless 2008 campaign, what Patterson proposes is that the press might better serve the public interest if campaigns were dramatically shortened.
(9)
This is not to claim that media changes are the only explanation for this fragmentation. For an explanation that emphasizes changes in the media in the context of broader political, social, and cultural changes like the end of the Cold War and the rise of multiculturalism, see Williams and Delli Carpini (forthcoming)
(10)
Marshall himself was a little-known freelance journalist.
(11)
These networks span the political spectrum from Moveon.com on the left to FreeRepublic.com on the right.

الفصل الرابع: دراسة الثقافة الشائعة

(1)
On the issue of mothers in literature, see Walters (1992). On mothers in film, see Kaplan (1992).
(2)
A recent poll by the Pew Research Center for the Internet and the Press (2009) indicates that more Americans support legalized abortion than oppose it.
(3)
See Daley (1991). Later, following the birth of her third child, Vieira returned to broadcasting and resumed an extremely successful career culminating in her current position as anchor of the morning news program The Today Show. However, for years she was plagued with comments questioning her dedication to her work, sparked by her pregnancies. See Kurtz (2007) for an in-depth discussion of decisions at ABC that led to Elizabeth Vargas being let go after only a few months as evening news anchor, coincident with her second pregnancy and the birth of her second child.
(4)
See for example Morley’s discussion of media reception study, and other discussions of the nature of media reception: Livingstone (2003b) and Morley (1992).
(5)
See especially here Williams (1977) and Hall (1980).
(6)
On third-wave feminism, see McRobbie (2004) and Hogeland (2001).
(7)
See Gill and Herdieckerhoff (2006).
(8)
See, for example, Silverstone (1994), Ang (1996), Alasuutari (1999), Lotz (2000), Bird (2003), Schroder (1999), and many others.

الفصل الخامس: دراسة الفوارق الاجتماعية

(1)
See Barker (2008) for a good overview of the field of cultural studies.
(2)
See Wikipedia (n.d.-a) for a fuller discussion of the British New Wave cinema.
(3)
See Wikipedia (n.d.-c) for a good introduction to third-wave feminism. The term “third-wave” is often traced to a 1992 essay written by Rebecca Walker entitled “Becoming the Third Wave.” She coined this term in the context of speaking about the multiple contradictions of the Anita Hill–Clarence Thomas hearings for feminists in the 1990s. In particular, she claimed that she was a “third-wave” feminist, rather than a “postfeminist,” thereby asserting that there was still a need for feminism, though a new version that transcended some of the issues plaguing second-wave feminism, in particular the exclusion of women of color and lesbians. The essay was reprinted in Ryan (1997). See also Dicker and Piepmeier (2003); Howie, Gillis, and Munford (2004); Reger (2005); and Walker (1995) for further discussions of third-wave feminism.
(4)
There is debate in our literature about whether the industry’s assumptions are accurate in this regard. Most scholars believe this industry belief to be a self-fulfilling prophecy, in that as more films are angled toward a young male audience, the potential female audience is alienated and drops out of film viewing.
(5)
See Jackson (2008). This work provides a history of the relations between southerners and motion pictures from the silent era to the World War II era, illustrating the parallels between the rise and fall of the studio system and the rise and fall of racial segregation, and their points of intersection and mutual influence.
(6)
In addition to this, many primarily white films included segments featuring African-American actors that were often omitted when the films were shown in the southern states. Ziegfield Follies (1945) and Till the Clouds Roll By (1946) are examples of films that featured two different versions, one for northern audiences, which might include black viewers as well as white viewers, and one for southern movie theaters, which would never include both audiences. (See Everett 2001.)
(7)
I am extremely indebted to Donald Bogle (2001) for this discussion of the films of Oscar Micheaux.
(8)
See Chong (2005, forthcoming).
(9)
By the end of the 1970s, the majority of black children in the United States lived in families headed by single mothers. For documentation, see Casper and Bryson (1998, n.d.) and Casper and Fields (2000).

الفصل السادس: دراسة النصوص الإعلامية وتلقِّيها في بيئة الإعلام الجديدة

(1)
See, for example, Finer et al. (2005).
(2)
See HBO’s made-for-television movie If These Walls Could Talk (1996) for an example of an attempt to balance the increasing pro-life bias of network television during the 1990s.
(3)
This research was funded by a grant from the National Science Foundation, DST IIS–0438803 in the Digital Societies and Technologies Program (Press and Williams 2004).
(4)
This rate was higher than that of the national average in the United States for the 2004 election (64 percent) but approximated the rate in the Midwest, the region from which our sample was derived, which was 76 percent. See the numbers at US Census Bureau (2006).
(5)
National figures indicate that 65 percent of women voted in the 2004 election, as compared to 62 percent of men, and more women are registered to vote than men (US Census Bureau 2006: 1). This number does seem to be a bit high, as compared to the national voting rate of 64 percent in 2004, according to US Census Bureau numbers, and prompts the question, as we discuss, of whether our sample was self-selecting for highly active, engaged individuals. Again, however, the US Census Bureau reports that people in the Midwest are more likely to vote than other Americans—76 percent versus 64 percent nationwide (2006: 8)—a pattern that fits our study data.
(6)
This discussion of our NSF findings is indebted to several earlier conference papers coauthored with Ellen Moore and Camille Johnson-Yale; see Press, Williams, Moore, and Johnson-Yale (2005a, 2005b, 2006b).

الفصل السابع: خاتمة

(1)
Now the RateMyProfessor.com site is used by Forbes magazine to help establish the rankings of various institutions, when they publish their rankings.

جميع الحقوق محفوظة لهنداوي فاونديشن سي آي سي © 2019

تسجيل الدخول

هذا الحساب غير مُفعَّل، يُرجى التفعيل لتسجيل الدخول‎‎

Mail Icon

إنشاء حساب

Mail Icon

لقد أرسلنا رسالة تأكيد التسجيل إلى يرجى التحقق من البريد الوارد الخاص بك وتأكيد بريدك الالكتروني لاستكمال عملية اشتراكك.

نسيت كلمة السر؟

Mail Icon

إذا كان البريد الإلكترونى الذى أدخلتة متصلا بحساب فى هنداوي فاونديشن سي آي سي، فسيتم إرسال رساله مع إرشادات لإعادة ضبط كلمة السر.